Search results

1

»In Jugoslawien kennen wir keine Streiks, haben aber einige selbstverwaltete Unterbrechungen der Arbeit.« Streiks im sozialistischen Slowenien vom Streik in Trbovlje bis zur Streikwelle in den späten achtziger Jahre

100%

Hadalin J.

Central European Papers

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2018

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vol. 6

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issue 1

139-156

EN

Worker strikes were a common phenomenon in the socialist Yugoslavia, although they officially never existed. They were called work interruptions and were not something that complex Yugoslav self-managed socialism recognised as part of political struggle, since workers officially influenced on all major decisions through so-called self-managing process. This strikes were mostly spontaneous and without the back-up of state and party controlled syndicates. Their origin usually laid in the profit distribution, which was not used for basic investments and living standard of the workers, since it was spent for other capital investment, determined by higher self-management administrative bodies. Strikes were therefore attacking the system by criticizing its own foundations, but not seriously endangering it. Number of strikes was relatively big, their number depending mostly on the changing condition of the Slovene/Yugoslav economy, booming in the late 1980s, when the word strike entered into the official vocabulary once again.

2

The Change of Russian Political Regime from the “White Revolution” To Presidential Elect ion (2012–2018)

100%

BÄCKER R., RAK J.

Przegląd Strategiczny

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2018

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issue 11

143-155

EN

How did Russian political regime change after the “White Revolution”? The article makes a methodological, theoretical, and empirical contribution to the field of studies on the dynamics of non-democratic regimes, and especially the nature of the alterations within Putin’s Russia. The research field is the Russian political system determined by its three aspects: structure of political institutions, political awareness of public issues, and political mobilization between the “White Revolution” and the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. The paper solves the research problems by employing the qualitative analysis of sources and drawing on the critical analysis of the recent news. The analysis benefits from the use of Roman Bäcker’s analytical device, a theoretical framework made of the three continua whose extreme points are the indicators of authoritarianism and totalitarianism respectively. The research tool is to identify the essential features of Putin’s political regime. According to this model, bureaucracy or siloviki, emotional mentality, and social apathy are typical of authoritarianism. In turn, state-party apparatus, totalitarian gnosis, and controlled mass mobilization are the symptoms of totalitarianism. This article researches how the Russian political regime evolved from the “White Revolution” to the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. It tests the hypothesis that the system most likely evolved from a soft to hard military authoritarianism. The regime might have moved towards a hybrid regime made of the elements of authoritarianism and totalitarianism. It formulates the conclusion the Russian political regime is a hard military authoritarianism. After the fall of the “White Revolution”, most notably after the annexation of Crimea, few totalitarian elements were visible, mostly in the sphere of social awareness in the form of totalitarian political gnosis. In addition, the indicators of totalitarianism started to disappear from September 2014, especially the elements of totalitarian gnosis in the political discourse.

3

Wzorzec ustrojowy. Przyczynek do rozważań na temat recepcji w nauce o systemach politycznych

100%

Szklarski T. W.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2016

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issue 5(136)

61-80

EN

Constitutional model is a broad concept combining different political and legal aspects, among which two main aspects (namely negative and positive ones) can be distinguished. The constitutional lawgiver avoids negative models, bearing in mind bad experiences of its own country and/or other countries, and at the same time willingly draws inspiration from positive model. It should be noted that, in this context, three models may be used, a systemic model which involves the reception of the entirety of values and constitutional arrangements (both formal (in book), contained in the provisions of law, and actual (in action), arising out of political practice), or institutional, referring to one or more specifi ed institutions in the country, and political, which shows the standards of behavior in specifi c situations of political life. The author characterizes each of these models using the examples of system of government existing in constitutional modern states.

4

Kohabitacja a trwałość gabinetów koalicyjnych w Polsce po 1991 roku

100%

Banaś M., Lechowicz P.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2015

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issue 4(13)

5-24 (20)

EN

In relation to the systemic transformation, which began in Poland in 1989, there was a need to define a new political regime. Eventually it was decided to settle upon a system of government which is characterised by the duality of executive power exercised by the President, as well as Prime Minister and the government accountable to parliament. This element of the political regime creates the potential for cohabitation – an inher-ently conflictual phenomena which can have many negative consequences. One of them is the possibility of its negative impact on the duration of the coalition cabinet. In this article, we intend to test the hypothesis, according to which the phenomenon of cohabitation has a negative impact on coalition governments through the reduc-tion of their duration. The aticle consists of four parts. The first briefly characterizes the evolution of the Polish political regime, highlighting the potential for cohabita-tion which is created by the dual structure of executive – the permanent element of Polish system of government. In the second part we explain the concepts of the cabinet government and the coalition. In the third section we describe coalition gov-ernments formed in Poland in the years 1991–2014 and the phenomenon of cohabitation occurring during their lifetime. In the fourth part we examine the impact of cohabitation on the duration of coalition governments in Poland. The conclusions of the analysis are presented at the end.

5

Podejścia teoretyczne do badania demokratyzacji i autokratyzacji na poziomie lokalnym i regionalnym

100%

Szymański A.

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2020

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vol. 18

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issue 2

57-74

EN

In the literature on democratization and autocratization, one of the areas which clearly shows a gap in the theoretical framework is a very important territorial dimension of theseprocesses. This article is aimed at proposing the theoretical approaches based on two main pillars, which can be used in studies on democratization and autocratization at the subnational levels. The first one refers to democracy and changes of political regimes (approaches to democratization / autocratization and more static issues of the quality of democracy and local democracy). The second one refers to the territorial politics, accounting for the multilevel and network governance as well as theories of decentralization. Eventually, the author also presents possible preliminary directions of research, within which the territorial politics can be either an independent, alternatively intervening variable (studies on causes of changes regarding the political regime) or a dependent variable (analysis of effects of these changes).

6

Forms of Government and Typology of Political Regimes in Ukrainian Socialist-Oriented Political Theory of Western Ukraine in the Interwar Period of the 20th Century

100%

Demchushak R.

Historia i Polityka

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2016

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issue 18(25)

77-85

EN

Persuasion of theorists of Ukrainian political opinion of Western Ukraine, publications and position papers of socialistic aspiration parties for the purpose the analysis of forms and institutional bases of the state are investigated. The input of the Ukrainian thinkers-socialists in the range of problems of classification of the political regimes and determination of their signs are analysed. The scientific contribution of theorists of Ukrainian political opinion of socialistic aspiration out to research of forms state government, principle of distribution of power and system of inhibitions and counterbalances between its branches, state-political institutions of the country, parliament and government, problems of rights and freedoms of a person, electoral process, and local selfgovernment leaders are found out. Political priorities of scientists and ideologists of Ukrainian organized socialism are investigated, their constructions of process are exposed.

7

Внутрішньополітична безпека України крізь призму концептуалізації гібридних викликів та загроз (2014-2018 рр.)

88%

Гулай В.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2018

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issue 8

119-126

EN

The combination of military and non-military means of power struggle in interstate relations faced in recent years by countries such as Georgia, Moldova, Syria, Ukraine, Montenegro and others can not be considered entirely new phenomenon in world history, but with the development of information technology and the globalization of the financial and economic system has brought new opportunities for the use of economic, informational, political and military means of pressure. Positively evaluating the achievements of Ukrainian researchers in disclosing the institutional and procedural principles of the state system functioning and political provision of national security of Ukraine, it should be pointed out that the problem of conceptualization and response to internal political risks for its national security remains unresolved in the context of the continuation of wide-ranging implementation by Russia of theoretical and methodological and applied aspects. Hybrid war combined forces and means, including in the political sphere of Ukrainian society. Some aspects of this problem were presented by the author in Polish scientific publications. The work hypothesis found that the degree and nature of the destructive influence of individual events, phenomena and processes in the domestic political sphere, the economy, the social sphere, information activities, the fight against organized crime and corruption in Ukraine are not only conditioned by the corresponding undisguised intervention of the aggressor country, but also have an intra-Ukrainian nature, caused by the implementation of the latent interests of prominent representatives of the post-war political ruling class in Ukraine (Petro Poroshenko Bloc / People’s Front A. Yatsenyuk, A. Avakov and O. Turchinov / «Vinnytsia» group of Prime Minister of Ukraine V. Groysman). The main components of Ukraine’s internal security at the present stage in confronting the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation are considered: the system of ensuring political security and its subjects, internal political and interconfessional stability, public accord, civil society and political power, political regime and political security, state security, political elites and leaders, political movements, state-church relations, religious organizations, constitutional order, territorial integrity of Ukraine. It is necessary to take into account the fact that the special organs and advocacy machine of the aggressor country in the process of information war against Ukraine attaches the highest priority to the demoralization and disintegration of Ukrainian society and discretisation of the security and defense sector. Russian propaganda for destabilizing the situation in Ukraine is actively used by the growth of negative attitudes among Ukrainian citizens. An important problem that has emerged since the onset of hybrid aggression against Ukraine is the activity of Russian agents of influence in the parliament, political parties, local authorities and civic organizations. The simulated nature of the overwhelming majority of institutional and procedural components of the reform of the social life of the Ukrainian state while simultaneously marginalizing social protest actions in the short term create the illusion of social stability of the new / old dominant political and business groups as a collective embodiment of kleptocracy, clientism and corruption. hybrid political regime in post-war Ukraine. The ruling from 2014, based on client-patronage ties and faith through informal political practices, the consolidated power groups of the Bloc of Petro Poroshenko and the People’s Front are not able to overcome the crisis of confidence in power as an integral institutional and procedural system. They explain the growing internal protest potential of the Kremlin’s influence. The potential of the ruling political class of Ukraine is also aggravated by the fact that in its hands the most powerful material resources, administrative and technical-organizational means, funds, sources and means of information transmission, ideological and legal mechanisms, etc., are concentrated. The specifics of the ruling political class of Ukraine are manifested in the implementation of strategies for self-enrichment, which obviously leads to neglect of public interests and uncontrolled and permissiveness. Taking into account the growing scope of domestic political risk potential of national security in the projection of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019, a process of political consolidation of the most active part of Ukrainian citizens around common values and interests, overcoming of existing political contradictions and achieving socially acceptable standards of living may be worthy of scientific analysis, consequently, ensuring the security of the individual, society and the state, preserving its independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty and file progressive development of Ukraine.

8

Политизация социальных сетей Интернета и легитимность власти

87%

Федорченко С.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2017

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issue 2

89-102

EN

The paper presents the results of a research project “Global study of the politicization of social networks.” According to the author, undermining the citizens’ trust in democratic institutions such as the parliament and political parties in various states leads not only to visible consequences – political absenteeism and social escapism, but also provokes a deeper process of the rapid politicization of Internet social networks. A content analysis of political discourse has been selected as the academic metho dology. The project has shown that in countries of various regions – from Europe to Latin America – there are pro-government, opposition, and moderately radical network communities. It is concluded that the politicization of modern networks is more conducive to the archaization and radicalization of social relations than strengthening the legitimacy of democratic regimes and constructive dialogue with the government of society. The most politicized social networks are Facebook and Twitter.

RU

В работе публикуются итоги научного проекта – «Глобально- го исследования политизации социальных сетей». По мнению автора, подрыв доверия граждан различных государств к таким демократическим институтамкак партии и парламент приводит не только к видимым последствиям – политическому абсентеизму и общественному эскапизму, но и провоцирует более глубокий процесс стремительной политизации сообществ социальных сетей Интернета. В качестве научной методологии был избран контент-анализ политического дискурса. Проект показал, что в странах различных регионов – от Европы до Латинской Америки – существуют провластные, умеренно оппозиционные и радикальные сетевые сообщества. Сделан вывод, что политизация современных сетей пока больше способствует архаизации и радикализации социальных отношений, чем упрочнению легитимности демократических режимов и конструктивному диалогу общества с властью. Наиболее политизированными социальными сетями оказались Facebook и Twitter.

9

«Рашизм» як квазіідеологія пострадянського імперського реваншу

75%

Дем’яненко Б.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2018

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issue 8

35-40

EN

The article is devoted to the «ruscism» – the political neologism that arose at the beginning of the 21st century to denote the quasi-ideology and social practice of the modern political regime in the Russian Federation. Key definitions of the proposed article are «ideology» as a system of beliefs and ideas, views on society and its political life, that reflects ideals, worldview, interests, mindset of people, social classes, political parties, social movements, and also includes values, normative and target tendencies and the ways of their achievement, in particular its modern concept of «expanding» (according to T. Parsons) that is being interpreted as a particular society’s system of values that is serving the universal orientation for the socio-political activities; «quasi-ideology» in the sense of «false», «imaginary» ideology and an eclectic synthesis of certain postulates; «ruscism» as the unofficial name of the quasi-ideology and social practice of the ruling regime in the Russian Federation at the beginning of the 21st century, which is an eclectic mix of imperial neo-colonialism, great-power chauvinism, nostalgia for the Soviet past, religious traditionalism, and acts as an identification mechanism within the system (recognition of «friends» and «enemies»), engagement (attracting of the new «friends»), and legitimization of conditional offenders on which all kinds of freedom supporters make claims. The author relies on a wide range of approaches to the definition of the semantic and ideological content of the «ruscism» by Russian scholars and political analysts who represent a predominantly critical view of the current political regime of the Russian Federation (S. Belkovsky, L. Gudkov, A. Melnikov, A. Piontkovsky, A. Skobov), political and military figures of the post-Soviet space (Sh. Basayev, J. Dudayev), Ukrainian researchers (O. Grinov, O. Kaftan, O. Kostenko, O. Leusenko, V. Tkachenko, M. Tomenko and etc.), expresses own opinion regarding this phenomenon. It is stated that the manifestation of «ruscism» in the domestic policy is the violation of human rights for freedom of thought, the persecution of dissidents, the use of mass media for misinformation of the own society and the neglect of democratic procedures. In foreign policy «ruscism» manifests itself in violation of the international law principles, the imposition of the world’s own version of historical truth, the justification of the barbarian geopolitics of the Russian Federation aimed at occupation and annexation of the other states’ territories based on the local cooperation and support of the Russian fifth columns. Nowadays «ruscism» acts as the ideological basis of the non-democratic regime in the Russian Federation also known as «putinism». It is predicted that «ruscism» as an ideological basis of «putinism» and «putinism» itself as a kind of authoritarian political regime of the present Russian Federation can exist after Putin’s departure (resignation, escape, natural or violent death, etc.). In this case the role of the key figure of the regime will be played by another successor and such a modernization of the quasi-ideology of «ruscism» and the facade of «putinism» may be beneficial to the financial oligarchy, since it can hypothetically reduce the impact of international sanctions and isolation.

10

Conceptualizing the Theoretical Category of Neo-militant Democracy: The Case of Hungary

75%

Rak J.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2020

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issue 2 (49)

61-70

EN

The article aims to formulate a theoretical category of neo-militant democracy that applies to study the nature and dynamics of democratic regimes after the 2008 economic crisis. It conducts an empirical test to verify the analytical effectiveness of the redeveloped category. The test takes a form of the case study of the Hungarian political system. Apart from a verification-objective, the research aims to identify and account for the dynamics of the Hungarian regime in terms of the neo-militant democracy principle. The qualitative method of source analysis serves to collect data on the processes of becoming neo-militant democracy. The selection of sources is deliberate and oriented on finding information about the implementation of neo-militant democracy measures in Hungary (2008-2019). The technique of qualitative content analysis applies to identify the nature of these processes. The theoretical tool is the category of neo-militant democracy, which simultaneously undergoes the empirical test. The main argument is that the process of becoming neo-militant democracy took a traditional form since the Hungarian neo-militant democracy principle drew on the traditional means introduced by Loewenstein rather than innovations advanced by the current research

11

Rola Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w funkcjonowaniu polskiego reżimu politycznego w świetle Konstytucji z 1997 r.

75%

Banaś M.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2015

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issue 1(23)

27-48

PL

Celem autora niniejszego artykułu jest przeanalizowanie roli, jaką pełni Trybunał Kon-stytucyjny w funkcjonowaniu polskiego reżimu politycznego w świetle przepisów Kon-stytucji z 1997 r. Zweryfikowana została następująca hipoteza: na podstawie przepisów ustawy zasadniczej TK reaguje na konflikty wynikające z dualistycznej struktury egze-kutywy, pełniąc tym samym arbitralną rolę w funkcjonowaniu polskiego reżimu poli-tycznego.Artykuł składa się z czterech części. W pierwszej zdefiniowano pojęcie reżimu po-litycznego oraz scharakteryzowano polski system rządów, ze szczególnym podkreśle-niem jego wyróżnika. Drugą część poświęcono opisowi arbitralnej funkcji Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w polskim reżimie politycznym. Natomiast w trzeciej opisano posta-nowienie TK w sprawie określenia centralnego konstytucyjnego organu państwa, któ-ry uprawniony jest do reprezentowania Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w posiedzeniach Rady Europejskiej jako przykład realizacji wcześniej wspomnianej arbitralnej roli Trybunału. Konkluzje i wnioski przedstawiono w zakończeniu.

EN

The aim of the author of this article is to analyse the role played by the Constitution-al Tribunal in the functioning of Polish political regime in the light of the provisions of the Constitution of 1997. Following hypothesis was verified: on the basis of the pro-visions of the Constitution, Constitutional Tribunal responds to conflicts arising from the dualistic structure of the executive and thus plays an arbitrary role in the function-ing of Polish political regime.The article consists of four parts. The first defines the concept of the political re-gime and characterizes Polish system of government, with particular emphasis on its distinguishing feature – dualistic structure of executive. The second part was devot-ed to the description of arbitrary function of the Constitutional Tribunal in the Pol-ish political regime. The third one describes ruling of the Tribunal that defines the cen-tral constitutional authority of the State that is entitled to represent the Polish Republic in the meetings of the European Council, as an example of the implementation of the aforementioned arbitrary role of Constitutional Tribunal. Findings and conclusions are presented in the end.

12

Socio-political passport of Zakarpattia (Ukraine): a brief history of the region’s survival in Central Europe

75%

Tokar M.

Journal of Geography, Politics and Society

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2022

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vol. 12

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issue 3

1-13

EN

Zakarpattia is perhaps the only region of contemporary Ukraine which during the twentieth century has experienced complex political processes of regionalization and adaptation to different states and their political systems. A characteristic feature of the changes in the region was a frequent transition of political conditions from authoritarian to democratic styles of state governing of the title nations which had implanted in Zakarpattia their political rules trying to change the political culture and political consciousness of local elites and citizens.

13

Elementy gnozy politycznej w orędziach Władimira Putina do Zgromadzenia Federalnego w latach 2014–2016

71%

Maćkowiak A.

Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM

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2019

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issue 19-20

153-168

EN

The article achieve two main goals, it research what elements of political gnosis were included in the Addresses of V. Putin to the Federal Assembly in (2014–2016) and explain, why precisely these elements were used. In research was used method of source analysis, which let on qualitative analise of three consecutive Addresses. As a result of the research, a new definition of political gnosis was proposed, and its ideal type and main materiality features were constructed. It was also shown how political thought distributed by V. Putin changed over the years (2014–2016).

PL

Artykuł realizuje dwa główne cele, bada jakie elementy gnozy politycznej zostały zawarte w orędziach W. Putina do Zgromadzenia Federalnego w latach 2014–2016 i określa, dlaczego akurat te elementy zostały wykorzystane. W pracy zastosowano metodę analizy źródeł, która pozwoliła na jakościową analizę trzech kolejnych orędzi. W wyniku badań zaproponowano nową definicję gnozy politycznej, a także skonstruowano jej typ idealny i główne cechy istotnościowe. Pokazane zostało też jak na przestrzeni lat (2014–2016) zmieniała się myśl polityczna dystrybuowana przez W. Putina.

14

Recepcja osmańskiego systemu rządów w państwach bałkańskich w XIX-XX wieku

71%

Dymarski M.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2014

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vol. 21

137-150

EN

The article identifies the key elements of the reception of Ottoman rule in the Balkan states in the 19th and 20th c. The character of the centralized regimes established in the Balkan states defined as sultanism, autocracy, and authoritarianism, resulting from the absence of democratic tradition and an underdeveloped political awareness and culture. A characteristic feature of the Turkish system was the position of relatively free peasants, very different from that in Europe. The feature characteristic of the Ottoman tradition which survived in the Balkans the longest, until the end of the 20th century, was violence as an intrinsic component of political life and power often changing hands as a result of violence, assassinations, murders, etc.

15

Ewolucja reżimu politycznego w Polsce w okresie funkcjonowania rządu Beaty Szydło

63%

Olejnik M.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

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2019

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vol. 26

21-35

EN

Liberal and illiberal democracies can be defined on the basis of five criteria distinct in both types of democracy: the rule of law, the government’s control, political elites’ integrity, media freedom and minorities’ protection. The article shows that four out of five criteria constituting illiberal democracy were fulfilled in Poland while Beata Szydło’s government was functioning (the rule of law, the government’s control, media freedom and minorities’ protection), whereas only one systemic norm forming illiberal democracy (minorities’ protection) was fulfilled when the previous governments (Donald Tusk and Ewa Kopacz’s governments) operated. Thus, it can be stated that the transition from liberal to illiberal democracy took place in the period of the functioning of Szydło’s government.

16

The institution of the nationwide referendum in Turkmenistan

63%

Pogłódek A.

Roczniki Administracji i Prawa

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2017

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vol. 17/1

13-31

EN

The institution of referendum in Turkmenistan did not have a long tradition although it first appeared in the Constitution of the Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic from 1937, the first law on referendum was adopted after the State became independent in 1991. In Turkmenistan, on the national level, there is only legislative referendum. There is no provision for the constitutional referendum. Currently, in addition to the 1992 Constitution, the most important legal Act governing the issue of a referendum is an Electoral Code from 2013. In independent Turkmenistan, the authorities have conducted only two referenda (1991, 1994) so far. The first one concerned the independence of the State, the second renewal of the term of Office of the President-in-Office. Therefore, you may notice that in Turkmenistan, differently than in neighbouring countries, authorities have not used the referendum to strengthen the legitimacy of the existing regime and personal power until 2006 for Saparmurat Nizayov, and currently Gurbangul Berdymuchamedov. This state of affairs provides for a significant consolidation of the political regime of Turkmenistan which in political practice does not need not use democratic legitimacy for introduced political and system changes.

PL

Instytucja referendum w Turkmenistanie nie ma długich tradycji. Mimo że po raz pierwszy pojawiła się w Konstytucji Turkmeńskiej SRR z 1937 roku, to pierwsza ustawa o referendum została przyjęta po uzyskaniu niepodległości w 1991 roku. W Turkmenistanie na poziomie ogólnokrajowym występuje jedynie referendum ustawodawcze, nie przewidziano referendum konstytucyjnego. Obecnie, oprócz Konstytucji z 1992 roku, najważniejszym aktem prawnym regulującym zagadnienie referendum jest Kodeks wyborczy z 2013 roku. W niepodległym Turkmenistanie przeprowadzono do tej pory jedynie dwa referenda (1991, 1994). Pierwsze z nich dotyczyło niepodległości państwa, drugie – przedłużenia kadencji urzędującego prezydenta. W związku z tym można zauważyć, że w Turkmenistanie, odmiennie niż w krajach sąsiednich, władze nie wykorzystują referendum do wzmocnienia legitymizacji istniejącego reżimu i osobistej władzy – do 2006 r. Saparmurata Nijazowa, a obecnie Gurbanguły’ego Berdymuchamedowa. Taki stan rzeczy świadczy o znaczącej konsolidacji reżimu politycznego Turkmenistanu, który w praktyce politycznej nie musi posługiwać się legitymizacją ludowładczą wprowadzanych zmian polityczno-ustrojowych.

17

Kilka uwag na temat powstawania i charakteru konstytucyjnych ustrojów prawnopolitycznych byłego Trzeciego Świata

63%

Ławniczak A.

Przegląd Prawa i Administracji

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2020

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vol. 120

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issue Tom 1

187 - 201

PL

Sformalizowany konstytucjonalizm ogarnął prawie cały glob, a zatem także państwa byłego Trzeciego Świata. Weszły one na drogę wymoszczoną przez twórców Ustawy Zasadniczej USA. Najpierw wkroczyły na nią latynoamerykańskie państwowości oraz będąca „afrykańską kopią” Stanów Zjednoczonych Liberia. Następnie do tego grona dołączyły zdekolonizowane państwa Czarnego Lądu, Azja wraz z Chinami i Indiami oraz Oceania. Szczególny obszar „biednego Południa” konstytuują islamskie kraje, w których wciąż jeszcze najważniejsze prawo dyktuje Koran. W większości wypadków mamy do czynienia z ubraną w konstytucyjną szatę monokracją, będącą pierwotnym czy też naturalnym ustrojem tworzonej przez ludzi wspólnoty politycznej, i trudno oczekiwać, żeby ten stan rzeczy uległ zmianie, skoro konstytucjonalizm oraz liberalne ludowładztwo przestały się rozwijać.

EN

Formalised constitutionalism actually is present in almost the whole World, as is also the case in the states of the former Third World. They march in the way indicated by the creators of the Anglo-Saxon Constitution in Philadelphia — initially the statehoods of Latin America and Liberia as “African America”. Later constitutionalism conquered Asia, with China and India, as well as Oceania. The specific sphere of the “poor South” constitutes Islamic countries, where persistently the main law is based on the Koran. In most cases we observe a formally constitutionalised monocracy, which is the natural form of political community. Over the next years it is likely that this situation will be similar, because constitutionalism and liberal democracy are in the phase of decadence.

18

REŻIM POLITYCZNY ROSJI W UJĘCIU WSPÓŁCZESNYCH TEORII POLITOLOGICZNYCH

63%

Szydywar-Grabowska K.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

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2018

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issue 3

115-128

EN

The deliberations presented in this text are an attempt to capture the tendencies in the discussion on the phenomenon of the Russian political regime and its process of transformation in the Vladimir Putin era. The author presents different ways of defining the political regime and different approaches to the subject of the researched phenomenon presented by researchers from Poland, Russia and representatives of Western political science. The text is a overview since the dynamics of the changes and the multiplicity of elements involved have resulted in more or less consistent concepts and the lack of effective completion of the transition processes results in topic's non-exhaustion, despite the great interest in the issue.

PL

Rozważania przedstawione w niniejszym tekście stanowią próbę uchwycenia tendencji w dyskusji nad fenomenem rosyjskiego reżimu politycznego i jego procesu przemian w epoce Władimira Putina. Autorka prezentuje różne sposoby definiowania reżimu politycznego oraz odmienne podejścia do tematyki badanego zjawiska prezentowanego przez badaczy z Polski, Rosji oraz przedstawicieli zachodniej politologii. Tekst ma charakter przeglądowy, gdyż dynamika dokonujących się zmian i wielość zaangażowanych w nie elementów spowodowały powstanie mniej bądź bardziej spójnych koncepcji a brak skutecznego zakończenia procesów tranzycji powoduje, iż mimo dużego zainteresowania problematyką, nie została ona w pełni wyczerpana.

19

THE CONCEPT OF POPULISM: A POLITICAL ASPECT OF DEMOCRATIC SYSTEMS

63%

Kiyanka I.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2020

|

issue 2

EN

The article focuses on populism, a phenomenon topical in the socio-political life of many countries. While it has a significant influence on the politics of countries with relatively little experience of functioning democratic institutions, populism is quite clearly visible also in the modern political space of old democracies. There is a distinct link between exacerbation of socio-economic problems and increasing attractiveness of populism. An important factor contributing to the emergence and growth of populist influences is the inability of political establishments, including fully democratic ones, to respond effectively to changes and new challenges.

20

Political Regime Theory: Identifying and Defining Three Archetypes

63%

Van den Bosch J., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

|

2013

|

issue 2 (5)

PL

This article aims to clear the field of proliferated terminology by clearly defining what constitutes a political regime and what does not. After a clear definition, the article will advocate a dichotomous and trichotomous division for political regimes. Further it will analyze the defining aspects of democratic, authoritarian and totalitarian regimes and draw clear divisions between these archetypes. Finally the paper proposes some well outlined definitions for each regime type.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760

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