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1
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Nazwy w dyskursie – w kontekście koncepcji wtórnej oralności

100%
Rutkowski M.
Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza
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2017
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vol. 24
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issue 1
145-158
PL
In the paper, the chosen cases of using the proper names revealing the residual orality in the term of Walter Ong are presented. What is characteristic, proper names are used in the extensive, aggregative formulas, in their full-forms rather than in potential abbreviated forms (e.g. name of Polish political party Prawo i Sprawiedliwość instead its abbreviation PiS). Another feature is formulas with the stable collocations, used for strengthen the persuasive value of the utterances. Another residual orality features are: agonistically toned and homeostatic – proper names in those utterances may assist in the political rhetoric, or ever strengthen the creation of the new political myths.
2
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Epitaphios logos – hybrydyczny gatunek retoryki ateńskiej

100%
Tuszyńska K.
Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae
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2021
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vol. 31
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issue 1
323-339
EN
Athenian funeral oration (epitaphios logos) belongs to the epideictic rhetoric. But according to Aristotle the topics used in epideictic oratory could be applied in the deliberative kind, after some modification in the matters of language. In this article I consider the means proposed in the narrative part of the composition, which can be used instead of argumentation in epideictic oratory, i.e. amplification, metaphors and actualization (putting things before the eyes, gr. energeia, lat. evidentia). My purpose is to answer the question who was/is the recipient of Athenian funeral oration. In my opinion there are three kinds of primary recipients: the dead soldiers in the battle, the listeners present at the celebration (Athenians and foreigners) and the Idea of Democracy itself. I also try to find the so-called secondary recipient of Athenian funeral oration. I treat Athenian funeral oration as a hybrid genre of Greek rhetoric.
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Retoryka polityczna a rozumienie i uzasadnianie rzeczywistości demokratycznego kapitalizmu w wybranych polskich exposé III Rzeczpospolitej

88%
Kubala K.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2013
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issue 3(25)
361-387
EN
The main aim of this paper is to reconstruct the most important rhetorical elements of selected Polish exposé in the transition period. The author assumes that rhetoric is a tool to exposé the symbolic legitimacy of a particular rationality of governance. Exposé is an ideological answer to the question: “how to live” and “what is society”. The answers to these questions, given in terms of democratic capitalism, is, according to the author, associated with the need to naturalize such a world view in which the individual must individually seek the basic promise of politicians – safety. Article provides an overview of “images” of the society and the political authority tasks that we can find in the exposé four Polish prime ministers during the Third Republic of Poland.
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Аргументы к норме в дискурсах В. В. Путина и Д. А. Медведева

88%
Dudek-Waligóra G.
Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski
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2019
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vol. 1
249-259
EN
The article presents arguments to the norm in the discourse of V. V. Putin and D. A. Medvedev. Such arguments appeal to the norm, custom, rule as the criterion of the correctness of judgments. The material for research is served by the official speeches made by Russian political leaders, and which cover the period from 2014 to 2016. The author gives the examples of examined arguments and analyzes norms, standards to which Russian politicians are referring. The article also stresses the functions of arguments to the norm in the political texts of V. V. Putin and D. A. Medvedev. The paper shows that both Russian leaders appeal to international law, Russian legislation, public practice and economic rules as to the norms justifying the thesis. Therefore Putin and Medvedev build the image of politicians who pay attention to principles of public life. The main purpose of these arguments is to function as unarguable facts and persuade voters to accept decisions discussed.
5
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Czech Social Democracy, František Soukup, and the Habsburg Austrian Suffrage Campaign 1897–1907: Toward a New Understanding of Nationalism in the Workers’ Movements of East Central Europe

75%
Beneš J.
Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.
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2012
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vol. 4
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issue 2
9-33
EN
This article examines a shift in Czech socialist workers’ political rhetoric in the first decade of the twentieth century from the sense that workers were excluded outsiders from the ethnic nation to the idea that they would rightfully redefine and lead the ethnic nation. Social Democracy’s preoccupation from 1907 on with national concerns led directly to the splitting of Austrian Social Democracy along ethno-national lines several years before the outbreak of World War One. Because this rhetorical and social-psychological shift coincided with a major extension of voting rights in Habsburg Austria (in which Social Democratic mobilizations played a key role), this paper argues that democratization played an important, though unappreciated, role in the rise of nationalism in the east central European workers’ movement. It also highlights the role of Czech socialist leader, František Soukup, in facilitating and articulating Czech workers’ new stance.
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Emotions and Political Rhetoric: Perception of Danger, Group Conflict and the Biopolitics of Fear

75%
Gil M.
Human Affairs
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2015
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vol. 26
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issue 2
212-226
EN
In the present article I shall argue that human emotion is multifaceted and has a cognitive dimension in virtue of its intricate connections with beliefs, memories, imagination, and other products of human rationality. Human emotion also has a social and political dimension. When we think about fear we cannot characterize it as a mere stimulus-response phenomenon: it is, due to its cognitive facet, more complex and related to our ideas about survival and well-being. This leaves fear exposed to political rhetoric, and thus to political manipulation. Fear can be aroused, guided and nourished amongst the population, giving rise to a biopolitics of fear. In this article, I will consider the heuristics and biases that lead people to evaluate risks mistakenly, and governments to consequently act erroneously. I will also consider how these psychological mechanisms are exploited by social entrepreneurs in order to achieve their own goals, such as reinforce in-group bonds, generate a sense of crisis or keep hold of power. I shall argue that we must be alert to certain kinds of political discourse that pose a threat to democratic society.
7
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"Wikigender" and "Girls: A No Ceilings Conversation": Digital genres countering inequality and discrimination

63%
Giordano M.
Res Rhetorica
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2016
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vol. 3
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issue 4
33-53
EN
Launched on ‘International Women’s Day’ on 7 March 2008, Wikigender is a project created by the OECD Development Centre that aims to facilitate the exchange and improvement of knowledge on gender-related issues around the world. Girls: A No Ceilings Conversation was an event hosted on 17 April 2014 by the Clinton Foundation ‘No Ceilings: The Full Participation Project’, was designed to foster and advance progress for women and girls worldwide. The two projects are investigated here as new types of communication on the World Wide Web. The analysis tries to ascertain whether and to what extent the generic features and discursive strategies of the two new collaborative platforms contribute to the co-construction of information, the dissemination of knowledge and awareness, and the development of a participatory agenda (Jones 2008; Campagna, Garzone, Ilie and Rowley-Jolivet 2012) on themes related to gender as well as resistance to inequality and otherness. An examination of these two examples of on-line communication will entail a scrutiny of new digital genres (Yates, Orlikowski and Renneker 1997), of the genre-specific features of web communication (Gruber 2008), and of the democratizing impetus embedded in their discourse. Promoting the exchange and creation of information and increasing citizens’ access to it enables readers to simultaneously become users, writers and critics; it seems to be the new trend of new web-mediated forms of communication that is resulting in the ‘democratization’ (Fairclough 1992; 1995a; 1995b; 1998) of several types of discourse.
PL
Wikigender to portal uruchomiony przez Organizację Współpracy Gospodarczej i Rozwoju (OECD Development Centre) 07.03.2008 r., którego celem jest gromadzenie i wymiana wiedzy z całego świata dotyczącej spraw związanych z gender. Girls: A No Ceilings Conversation z kolei to wydarzenie, które 14.04.2014 r. zorganizowała Fundacja Clintona w ramach swojej większej inicjatywy „No Ceilings: The Full Participation Project”, której misją jest wsparcie rozwoju oraz partycypacji dziewcząt i kobiet na świecie. Oba przykłady, uznane za nowe typy komunikacji w sieci, poddane zostały analizie. Jej celem było ustalenie, czy i w jakim zakresie cechy gatunkowe i strategie dyskursywne tych dwóch platform współpracy online przyczyniają się do: współtworzenia informacji, szerzenia wiedzy i świadomości oraz umacniania agendy partycypacji (ang. participatory agenda) (Jones 2008; Campagna, Garzone, Ilie, Rowley-Jolivet 2012), zarówno jeśli chodzi o tematykę gender, inności, jak i sprzeciwu wobec nierównościom. W analizie skupiono się na kwestiach gatunków cyfrowych (Yates, Orlikowski, Renneker 1997), gatunkowych cech komunikacji w sieci (Gruber 2008) oraz zawartych w analizowanym dyskursie bodźcach sprzyjających procesowi demokratyzacji. Upowszechnianie wymiany i współtworzenia informacji oraz udostępnianie jej obywatelom umożliwia czytelnikom takich online'owych platform wcielenie się jednocześnie w rolę użytkowników, współtwórców i krytyków, co można zakwalifikować jako nowy trend w zapośredniczonej przez sieć komunikacji, którego efektem jest „demokratyzacja” (Fairclough 1992; 1995a; 1995b; 1998) dyskursów.
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Edukacja polisensoryczna najmłodszych czy politykierska retoryka dilerów szczawiu i mirabelek

63%
Bronk D., Kowalczuk P.
Problemy Wczesnej Edukacji
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2012
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vol. 8
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issue 4(19)
98-109
EN
The main purpose of this article is a confrontation of scientific knowledge – of how a child develops and what, in the educational meaning, one needs to develop – and rhetoric of Polish, public discourse in children. The aim of this article is certainly not a defence, or a praise of the institution, including the actions of competent ministers for education and upbringing. Surprisingly, we are discovering that views and stereotypes of the last decades are doing well, assigning the main line of quasi content-related discussion. We are conducting the query of research on this early stage of child development in order to compare them with myths of the mass consciousness, which is kept alive and copied into the pop pedagogy.
9
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Dwa modele titoizmu. Lingwistyczne badania nad ideologią realnosocjalistycznej Jugosławii

63%
Mirocha P.
Socjolingwistyka
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2017
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issue 31
149–162
PL
Dyskurs polityczny państw zachodnich Bałkanów w latach 1945–1980 można nazwać ideologią titoizmu i przynajmniej po części scharakteryzować dzięki badaniu tekstów przemówień czy artykułów marszałka Josipa Broza-Tity. Uwzględniająca kontekst społeczno-polityczny analiza ilościowa występujących w nich słów kluczowych i kolokacji pozwala natomiast na wykrycie dwóch zasadniczych odmian tej ideologii (wcześniejszego, modelu N, odwołującego się do pojęcia „ludu, narodu” i późniejszego modelu Z, korzystającego z koncepcji „państwa” i „kraju”), których transformacja przebiegała w latach 50. i 60. XX w. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę opisu obu modeli, ich metaforyki i głównych tematów przez pryzmat najczęstszych słów kluczowych i kolokacji.
EN
Political discourse of the Western Balkan countries in the 1945–1980 period can be described as an ideology of Titoism and at least partially characterized by articles or speeches of marshall Josip Broz Tito. A quantitative analysis of its keywords and collocations that takes into account social and political context enables discovering two basic varieties of this ideology (an earlier one, N model, legitimized by the notion of ‘nation, people,’ and a later one, using the concept of ‘state’ and ‘country’), which transformed from one to another in the 1950s and 1960s. This article is an attempt to describe both models, their metaphors and the main topics through the most frequent keywords and collocations.
10
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Rückständigkeit, Fortschritt und Geschichte. Die Rhetorik der Frauenpolitik am Beispiel Galiziens

63%
Historyka Studia Metodologiczne
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2012
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vol. 42
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