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Impact of Salience on Differential Trust across Political Institutions in the Czech Republic

100%
Lyons P.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
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2013
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vol. 49
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issue 3
347-375
EN
This article explores why citizens express varying levels of trust across six institutions of political representation within the Czech Republic using a set of rival models. In addressing this question, this study argues that systematic differences in institutional trust are related to salience. Institutions with high visibility or salience to the public, i.e. government, lower chamber and president, will be trusted on the basis of their perceived political and economic performance. In contrast, institutions that are less salient to citizens are not evaluated on the basis of performance but on more diffuse criteria. Competing models of trust are divided into two groups. Top down explanations emphasise what institutions do; and hence focus on political and economic performance. Bottom up accounts of institutional trust refer to social mechanisms such as values, culture and knowledge. The empirical results presented in this study reveal that trust in salient political institutions is more strongly shaped by political performance. Otherwise, there is no systematic pattern to the determinants of trust in political institutions. These results suggest that citizen trust in political institutions emerges from a variety of top down and bottom up mechanisms, where salient institutions are different in that they are evaluated more on the basis of the political performance of office-holders.
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Участие поляков в общественно-политической жизни – структура и тенденции

100%
Mider D.
Studia Politologiczne
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2013
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vol. 30
95-118
RU
Анализ структуры и тенденций польского политического участия осуществлен в четырех измерениях, имеющих ключевое значение для функционирования демократической системы: традиционного политического участия, состоящего из участия на выборах и гражданского участия, а также нетрадиционного участия в политической и общественной жизни – без применения силы (протесты, бойкоты, манифестации, хэппенинги) и с ее применением. В исследовании учтены основополагающие факторы существования демократии - аспект консолидации и легитимности политической системы, а также историческая перспектива.
EN
The analysis of the structure and trends in Polish political participation was conducted in four dimensions, vital to the functioning of the democratic system: conventional political participation, which includes electoral participation and civic engagement, as well as unconventional political participation – both violent and non-violent (protest, boycott, demonstration and happening). The analysis took into account elements which determine the functioning of democracy: the aspect of the consolidation and legitimisation of the political system, as well as the historical dimension.
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Problém národní identity v díle Edvarda Beneše

84%
Janák D.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
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2014
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vol. 50
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issue 2
233-264
EN
This article examines the sociology of Edvard Beneš and looks in particular at the questions of whether and how his sociology came to be reflected in his political work, in particular in connection with nationality issues, and whether and how it played a role in the construction of Czechoslovak national identity (based on a synthesis of Czech and Slovak national identities). The article consists of two main parts, the first of which focuses on how Beneš made the conceptual and practical transition from theory to practice, from sociology to politics, a form of politics described here as ‘academic’, while the second is devoted to the issue of nationality in Beneš’s sociology and politics from the perspective of the sociology of social identities. Beneš’s sociology had an instrumental role in the formation of Czechoslovak national identity, most notably with respect to the construction of social boundaries of ‘us’ and ‘them’ in relation to Germans (especially between Czechs on one hand and Germans on the other), and it offered objects of national identification typical for the national movements of small nations and specifically of Czech society. The article devotes special attention to Beneš’s discursive construction and legitimation of Czechoslovak nationality and to the issue of the definition of nationality in the ‘Beneš decrees’.
4
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Powroty do Juliana Hochfelda

84%
Chałubiński M.
Studia Socjologiczno-Polityczne. Seria Nowa
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2017
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vol. 06(1)
27-41
PL
The aim of the article is to recall and present the political and intellectual figure of J. Hochfeld (1911–1966) against the background of the contemporary – often ahistorical – attempts to reconstruct historical memory in Poland, totally condemning the period of the Polish People’s Republic. My objective is to use the example of J. Hochfeld to demonstrate the complexity of lives and choices of those who as the members of the non-communist left were active in the interwar period, during World War II and the Polish People’s Republic. This article also presents Hochfeld’s theoretical organizational contribution to the development of the Polish post-war sociology, as well as topicality of the issues he tackled, e.g. political sociology, the contemporaneity of the idea of historical materialism and social-democratic socialism.
5
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Socjologia polityki Sinišy Maleševicia

84%
Rawski T.
Studia Socjologiczno-Polityczne. Seria Nowa
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2015
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vol. 03(1)
105-116
PL
This review essay investigates the intellectual output of Siniša Maleševic – the British theorist of nationalism and state, so far unknown to the Polish sociology – presented in his three key works. The text not only points to key determinants of Maleševic’s thought, but also identifies the author’s theoretical contribution in the field of contemporary theory of ideology and the modernist paradigm of studies on nationalism.
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Otwarty marksizm i odrodzenie socjologii: rola Juliana Hochfelda i Zygmunta Baumana

84%
Wiatr J.
Studia Socjologiczno-Polityczne. Seria Nowa
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2017
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vol. 06(1)
13-25
PL
In 1956, political liberalization in Poland resulted in the revival of sociology, previously banned from Polish universities. Julian Hochfeld (1911–1966), previously a leading Socialist politician and currently professor of the University of Warsaw, played an important role in this process by (a) initiating the debate on the revision of Marxist social theory in the spirit of „Open Marxism”, and (b) establishing the chair of political sociology at the University of Warsaw. His closest associate and successor was Zygmunt Bauman (1925–2107) until his politically motivated dismissal from the University of Warsaw and emigration in 1968. Academic interests of Hochfeld’s school focused on (a) reinterpretation of Marxist social theory and its confrontation with main trends in contemporary sociology, (b) empirical research on political life in Poland, and (c) comparative cross-national study of politics. This tradition is now continued by the new generation of Polish political sociologists.
7
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Niezrealizowana koalicja PO–PiS w świetle wybranych publikacji prasowych

84%
Kujawski J.
Świat Idei i Polityki
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2017
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issue 16
424-451
PL
Autor artykułu analizuje problematykę związaną z nieudaną próbą sformułowania rządu Platformy Obywatelskiej (PO) oraz Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (PiS) po wyborach parlamentarnych w 2005 r. Będąca podstawą artykułu analiza treści obejmuje wybrane teksty związane z tworzeniem koalicji, pojawiające się w dwóch tytułach prasy codziennej: „Gazecie Wyborczej” oraz „Rzeczpospolitej” w okresie od 1 września 2005 r. do 31 października 2005 r. Rozważania skoncentrowane zostały na wyodrębnieniu najważniejszych tematów stanowiących różnice pomiędzy obiema partiami. Celem artykułu było zbadanie dyskursu prasowego i w jego następstwie odpowiedź na pytanie, w jaki sposób na łamach dwóch tytułów prasy codziennej zostały przedstawione główne powody nieutworzenia koalicji PO–PiS.
EN
The article contains issues connected with unsuccessful attempt to form a government of the Civic Platform and Law and Justice after the parliamentary elections in 2005. The basis of the article content analysis includes selected texts related to coalition formation appearing in two daily press titles: “Gazeta Wyborcza” and “Rzeczpospolita” in the period from September 1, 2005 to October 31, 2005. Considerations focused on identifying the most important topics constituting differences between the two parties. The aim of the article was to analyse the press discourse and, as a consequence, answer the question of how the main reasons for not creating the PO–PiS coalition were presented in the pages of two newspapers.
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Rola i miejsce socjologii polityki w systemie wiedzy politologicznej

84%
Potulski J.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2016
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vol. 51
28-49
EN
The article concerns identity dilemmas of political sociology and its role in political research. Political institutions and process are intimately related to sociological phenomena. The relationship between sociology and political science has long traditions. Classic sociologists – Max Weber, Karl Marx – were also creators of political science. It is difficult to determine boundaries between social and political phenomena and boundaries between study of society and study of politics. The problem of boundaries is particularly intense in the case of subarea like political sociology, which exists within or between the two disciplines which have formed it: political science and sociology. The primary goal of political sociology is to analyze power and politics and how they operate in social life. Traditionally, political sociology has been concerned with the relations between society and the state, and traditional political sociology takes the modern nation-state as the center of political activity. The main problem of political sociology is lack of consensus on the subject of study and different interpretations of the objects of study by sociologist and political scientist. In this article, the author tries to answer the question, what is the role of political sociology in the knowledge structure concerning politics. Studies that cross the boundaries between sociology and political science help to enhance our understanding of both politics and society.
PL
O odrębności poszczególnych dyscyplin w ramach nauki decyduje ich specyficzny przedmiot i metody badawcze. Nierzadko spotyka się jednak dyscypliny, których przedmiot badań pokrywa się bądź też jest trudny do rozgraniczenia. Nauka o ludzkim społeczeństwie, jego powstaniu, rozwoju, przekształceniach łączy w sobie wiele względnie samodzielnych, ale także powiązanych ze sobą gałęzi wiedzy. Zjawiska ze sfery polityki z uwagi na swoją wielowymiarowość wykraczają poza ścisłe granice jednej tylko dziedziny. Dlatego też we współczesnym obrazie rozwoju nauk o polityce obserwuje się odchodzenie od tradycyjnych wąskodyscyplinarnych ujęć na rzecz tzw. ujęć integracyjnych, interdyscyplinarnych. Jednym z takich ujęć jest socjologia polityki, która ma “łączyć” badania politologiczne i socjologiczne. Z uwagi na wieloznaczność podmiotową i przedmiotową, a także nieostre granice pomiędzy naukami społecznymi, socjologia polityki należy do dyscyplin niepoddających się łatwym definicjom i uogólnieniom. W artykule autor podjął rozważania dotyczące tożsamości badawczej socjologii polityki oraz nad jej rolą i miejscem w systemie wiedzy o polityce.
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Socjologia polityki Raymonda Arona

67%
Gacek M.
Studia Socjologiczne
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2013
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issue 4(211)
85–102
PL
Zmarły w 1983 roku Raymond Aron był i pozostał ikoną socjologicznej analizy rzeczywistości politycznej. Jego dzieła naukowe, jak i komentarze są do dzisiaj przykładami mistrzowskiej oceny społeczno-ekonomicznej we Francji, Europie i na poziomie stosunków międzynarodowych. W dobie kryzysu wiarygodności nauk społecznych warto pochylić się nad metodą francuskiego socjologa, która – z perspektywy trzydziestu lat – zapewniała trafność jego spostrzeżeń naukowych, a i jemu pozwoliła zachować elitarność naukowca-intelektualisty. W polskiej socjologii odczuwalny jest brak opracowań opisujących aronowską socjologię polityki.
EN
Raymond Aron, who died in 1983, was and remains an icon of sociological analysis of political reality. His academic work, as well as political commentaries, are considered today to be examples of an outstanding socio-economic assessment of French, European and World politics. While facing the current crisis of the credibility of social science, it is necessary to contemplate methods of analysis applied by Aron who – judging thirty years on – provided accurate observations and retained the elitism of a public intellectual. There is a lack of enhanced studies on Aron's political sociology concepts in Polish sociology.
10
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Teoria elit Charlesa Wrighta Millsa w perspektywie współczesnych procesów regresu demokracji

67%
Potulski J.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2022
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vol. 74
19-47
EN
The aim of the article is to present the works of Charles Wright Mills, primarily his trilogy that criticizes contemporary American society and elites: The New Men in Power, White Collar: The American Middle Classes, and The Power Elite. Although more than half a century has passed since the first publication of these works, the conclusions made by Mills seem to be still valid for us. In his works Mills described the negative aspects resulting from the development of modern society: mass society, disappearance of the public sphere, bureaucratization and concentration of corporate power in the hands of the “power elite”. All this means that Mills’ thought is still relevant. The article attempts to indicate the universal nature of Mills’ elite theory and use it to explain the causes of contemporary processes of democratic regression.
PL
Celem tego artykułu jest przybliżenie prac Charlesa Wrighta Millsa, przede wszystkim jego trylogii, będącej krytyką współczesnych Millsowi amerykańskich elit: The new man in power: America’s labor leaders (1948), White collar: The American Middle classes (1951) i The power elite (1956). Mimo iż upłynęło przeszło półwieku od pierwszej publikacji tych prac, wnioski, jakie wysunął Mills, wydają się nam nadal aktualne. Mills w swoich pracach analizował negatywne aspekty będące efektem rozwoju nowoczesnego społeczeństwa: masowość, zanik sfery publicznej, biurokrację czy też raczej biurokratyzację, racjonalizację oraz koncentracje władzy korporacyjnej w rękach „elit władzy”. To wszystko powoduje, że myśl Millsa jest nadal aktualna. W artykule podjęta została próba wskazania na uniwersalny charakter teorii elit Millsa i wykorzystanie jej do wyjaśnia przyczyn współczesnych procesów regresu demokracji.
11
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Arabska Wiosna w tureckiej codziennej prasie anglojęzycznej

67%
Kaczorowski K.
Studia Medioznawcze
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2014
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issue 1 (56)
83-97
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wyników analizy treści tureckiej codziennej prasy anglojęzycznej pod kątem ukazywania protestów na Bliskim Wschodzie nazywanych Arabską Wiosną. Dwieście dwadzieścia pięć artykułów pochodzących z dzienników „Hürriyet Daily News” i „Today’s Zaman” w okresie styczeń–czerwiec 2011 przeanalizowano pod kątem agenda setting i framingu oraz jakościowo, bazując na schemacie George'a Gerbnera. Pierwsza część pracy jest poświęcona krótkiej charakterystyce tureckiego rynku prasowego, następnie opisano metodologię badań. Przedstawienie wyników badań zostało podzielone na dwie części – ilościową analizę zawartości oraz pogłębioną jakościową analizę treści.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the results of content analysis of depiction of middle-eastern protests often called Arab Spring in Turkish daily newspapers published in English. Using agenda setting and framing analysis supplemented by George Gerbner's Message System Analysis scheme, 225 articles from published from January to June 2011 in “Hürriyet Daily News” and “Today’s Zaman” were analyzed. The article begins with short presentation of Turkish press market, after which there is a description of methodology used in the research. Results of the analysis were divided into two parts devoted to quantitive and qualitative analysis.
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