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EN
Social security has become in recent years an important element in the discourse about the quality of life on individualism and social group. Can not be successful introduction of social security without development elements, even in the from of human capital. This however has a poor design possibilities, if the public is desprived of the Community dimension of security, which is an integral part of social capital.
RU
Статья посвящена проблеме выявления общих политических ценностей в российской и европейской политических культурах. Автор подчеркивает, что ценности свободы, равенства, социальной справедливости, демократии являются общими для россиян и европейцев, хотя имеются некоторые различия в интерпретации их содержания в контексте национальной культуры.
EN
The article deals with the problem of common political values in the Russian and European political culture. The author stresses the fact that values of freedom, equality, social justice and democracy are shared by Russians and Europeans, however, there are some differences in their interpretation in the aspect of national culture.
EN
This article analyzes political values of the contemporary world and Ukraine in connection with conception of postmodernism. The article has focus on political science analysis of axiology like a determinant of the political life. Postmodern epoch has emerged after disillusionment with modernism ideals and its optimism. The person`s alienation from his/her origin, the change of industrial conditions, the senseless of revolutions, humanity`s self-destruction in world wars constituted an epoch of Postmodernism. The notion of postmodernism is described by philosophers as a new cultural tendency of Western societies. It can be characterized through the basic features such as openness and readiness for perception sociopolitical and cultural changes, freedom of self-expression, improvement of quality of life, care for ecology etc. For instance J.F. Lyotard used the concept of postmodernism to describe the condition of knowledge in the most highly developed societies. The emergence of the phenomenon of postmodern caused by the crisis of modernism`s metaphysical philosophy. According to J.F. Lyotard, modernism is losing its functors, great hero, great dangers, great voyages and great goal. In contrast postmodernism denies any kind of ideology, dominance, violence or war for the sake of peace and agreement. It contradicts monism, unification, totalitarianism and necessity of utopias. Also it approves the idea of diversity, the competition of paradigms and coexistence of diverse elements. Otherwise the conception of pluralism is the one of the main postmodernism feature. Postmodernism was emerged to explain the global conditions of the last decades of twentieth century. In consequence, it is intended for explaining the contemporary crisis phenomena and processes, finding new priorities, aims and tasks for humanity. That is why the transformation of social, cultural and economic lives tends to form the new basis of modern societies which faces a task of changing orientations and revaluation basic social and political values. A lot of philosophers agree to main idea of dominance the value consciousness over the ideological one. Nowadays axiological systems of the groups, societies or states become similar to each other. Political values can be considered like core and universal. They are characterized as rule of law, sovereignty, observation of human rights, individualism, freedom, equity, tolerance, peace, consensus, pluralism etc. These political values are basic for contemporary postmodern country. Despite the certain set of state`s political values postmodern nation state suffer from the tendencies of globalization which minimize the guide role of the nation state. That is why modern country needs to be rethought according to postmodern paradigm. Ukraine also needs to rethink the current and future status of its values and its place in the world`s order. On the one hand, declared by Ukraine its euro integration vector requires acceptance universal European political values such as dominance individual values over national ones, diversity of political behavior and prevailing role of global axiology over national. On the other hand, having a system crisis inherited from Soviet Union, Ukraine should form its own national identity on basis of national idea and then implement political and national values like responsibility, justice, dignity etc. After Ukrainian achieving independence from Soviet Union new values emerged such as democracy, freedom, constitutional state, observing human rights, justice and national patriotism. They were declared as the course of Ukrainian development but the implementation had faced some difficulties like reactionaries and oligarchic groups. To O. Babkina`s mind, the actual problem of modern Ukraine is both unity of Ukraine and its contradiction from external threat of its sovereignty. Moreover the dire threat of national integrity influenced over social consolidation, invoked forming sociopolitical values and determined geopolitical vector for Ukraine. Positive factors for Ukrainian axiological system are consolidation of national idea, overcoming the value cleavage among political elites and citizens, growing patriotism of financial groups and authority. To sum up, Ukraine is building its own Postmodern to be a competitive and perspective actor of foreign policy due to its efforts of overcoming the value cleavage of Ukrainian society and strengthen first positive achievements.
EN
Political parties that operate in the public space are classified, inter alia, according to the criterion of their ideological convergence (Mair, 2010; Gallagher, Laver, Mair, 2011). If we look at the convergence through the prism of the values declared by the parties, then the adaptation of Shalom H. Schwartz’s circular model makes it possible to explain many correlations. Ideological convergence must then be considered a derivative of the rules of compliance and conflict that Schwartz described. These become the starting point, the basis for selecting further axioms and, consequently, a guideline (imperative) in constructing political agendas. The article aims to show that the mentioned rules define party agendas, and the circular model can be used for analytical purposes. The manifestos of the pirate parties selected from 11 countries were used as an example. The method applied in the article is the meta-value matrix. Adapting the Schwartz model, it should be seen as a qualitative content analysis method.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie argumentów na rzecz rezygnacji z utrwalania w nauce o polityce trzech stereotypów dotyczących lewicowości, centrowości i prawicowości. Pierwszy z nich polega na klasyfikowaniu podmiotów politycznych przez wskazywanie na ich miejsce na osi lewica–centrum–prawica. Podstawą drugiego jest przekonanie, że lewicowość, centrowość i prawicowość można zawęzić do określonych płaszczyzn rywalizacji (na przykład do poglądów na gospodarkę, kształt państwa, religię). Trzecim stereotypem jest „dogmat”, że konflikt o wartości polityczne został zapoczątkowany w okresie rewolucji francuskiej. Autor uzasadnia swoje stanowisko w odniesieniu do psychologicznej teorii Shaloma H. Schwartza oraz kołowej struktury wartości politycznych.
EN
The aim of the article is to give arguments against the presence of three stereotypes in political science concerning leftism, centrism and rightism. The first one involves the classification of political entities by indicating their place on the left-centre-right axis. The second is based on the belief that leftism, centrism and rightism can be narrowed down to specific levels of competition (e.g. views on the economy or religion). The third stereotype is “dogma” that the conflict over political values was initiated during the French Revolution. The author explains his position with reference to the psychological theory of Shalom H. Schwartz and the circular matrix of meta-value.
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EN
The European People’s Party is called the “party of values” due to the fact that it refers to Christian democratic axiology in its programmes and actions. An analysis of programming documents of the EPP from the 1992–2014 period has shown that the EPP presents its values in various ways. The adopted values are given a festive character, they are being used to rationalise political actions and treated as functional elements of the political system. In the programming documents of the EPP, in passages which refer to values, one may find the traces of the power struggle in which the EPP participated during the analysed period. In addition to the above, a review of the said documents reveals that the EPP has been experiencing a tendency to redefine the identity of this political group. This happened as a result of weakening or even negating the hitherto prevailing metaphysics, in which the values which constituted the foundation of the identity of the EPP were anchored.
PL
Europejska Partia Ludowa nazywana jest „partią wartości” z tego powodu, iż w swoich programach i działaniu odwołuje się do chrześcijańsko-demokratycznych wartości. Analiza dokumentów programowych EPL z lat 1992–2014 ujawniła, że EPL prezentuje swoje wartości na różne sposoby. Przyjętym przez siebie wartościom nadaje ona odświętny charakter, wartości te wykorzystuje do racjonalizacji działań politycznych oraz traktuje je jako funkcjonalne składniki systemu politycznego. Dokumenty programowe EPL w miejscach, gdzie mowa jest o wartościach, zawierają również ślad gry o władzę, w jakiej uczestniczyła EPL w badanym okresie. Ponadto analiza dokumentów pokazuje, że w EPL pojawiła się tendencja do redefinicji tożsamości tego ugrupowania politycznego. Stało się to za sprawą osłabienia czy nawet zanegowania dotychczasowej metafizyki, w której zakotwiczone były wartości stanowiące podstawę tożsamości EPL.
EN
Homo politicus (the political man) is a political value, which plays a crucial role in the transition of the sphere of values of contemporary Europe. Homo politicus is an politically active individual, whose behavior is directed by both egocentric and sociocentric motives and who partakes in many aspects of political life. Pursuit towards the participation in power or exerting an influence on its distribution becomes a politically desired value in contemporary cultural and civilization reality of Europe through the rising number of individuals who demonstrate specific features and attitudes towards politics.
PL
Autor przedstawia politykę publiczną na tle realizowanych wartości na wszystkich szczeblach państwa. Osadza je w kontekście systemu politycznego, który określa narzędzia i ramy prawne działania państwa. Podkreśla istotną rolę samorządu lokalnego, który wykonuje na rzecz społeczności lokalnej zadania własne i zlecone przez państwo.
EN
The author depicts public policy concerning the values used at all levels of government administration. He scrutinizes these values in the context of the political system that defines the legal tools and frameworks of the state's activity. This is achieved by a particular focus on the regional activities of local government, as well as their role on behalf of the wider state.
PL
Patrząc z perspektywy obserwatora zewnętrznego, polski spór o ustawę zasadniczą z 1997 r. dotyczy przestrzegania obowiązujących norm konstytucyjnych i bardziej ogólnie, reguły praworządności. Jednak spoglądając na ten konflikt przez pryzmat aksjologii można postawić tezę, że strony konfliktu politycznego (rządzący i opozycja) instrumentalizowały „walkę o konstytucję”, traktując ją jako jedno z narzędzi służących osiąganiu celów politycznych. Uczestnicy tego konfliktu dążyli do realizacji przeciwstawnych wartości politycznych, a ustawa zasadnicza, praworządność i hierarchia aktów prawnych miały charakter drugorzędny. Celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie źródeł sprzecznych postaw wobec Konstytucji z 1997 r., a zastosowaną podstawą teoretyczną i punktem odniesienia dla analizy tego konfliktu jest kołowy model wartości politycznych.
EN
From the perspective of an external observer, the Polish dispute over the 1997 Constitution concerns the question of compliance with the applicable constitutional norms and more generally, the rule of law. However, looking at this dispute through the prism of axiology, it is possible to put forward the thesis that both sides of the political conflict (the government and its opposition) instrumentalised the ‘fight for the constitution’, treating it as one of the tools for achieving political goals. Those taking part in it pursued opposing political values, while the constitution itself, the rule of law and the hierarchy of legal acts were treated instrumentally. The aim of the article is to explain the sources of conflicting attitudes towards the 1997 Basic Law. The applied theoretical basis of the article and the reference point for the analysis of the conflict is the circular model of political values.
EN
The article presents the method of studying of value-motivational factors of political activity. The analysis of terminological and theoretical premises of research of value-motivational factors of political activity is done. Author’s approach to organization of empirical research of psychology of minority political activity is proposed. Correlation of values and motivation, dynamics of social, activity and personal mechanisms of personality development are considered in the terminological analysis. Using of three factor theory by D. McClelland to empirical research of value-motivational factors of political activity is justified. Based on analysis of research methods of value-motivational factors the content analysis system that allows to measure individual motivational tendencies and qualitative features of human motivation is described. Based on the analysis of H.Hekhauzen’s research 4 types of situations of the development and implementation of political values and motivation are singled out: 1) the self comparison with own achievements; 2) the self comparison with standart; 3) social comparison with a real opponent; 4) social comparisons with generalized or personalized ideal. Structure of the research of value-motivational factors of political activity comprises the steps of photobiographical research, expert evaluation and value grates building. Analysis of the results provides quantitative and qualitative interpretation. Quantitative analysis includes content analysis of the structure of motivation and levels of the value regulation, and the factor modeling. Categories of content analysis can explore the achievement motivation (success motive and the motive of avoiding failure), power motivation and motivation of affiliation (adoption). Each of the categories of content analysis is analyzed for compliance motivational components to one of value levels - social, processual or subjective. The categories for content analysis of achievement motivation is the need to achieve success or to avoid failure, the corresponding instrumental activity, expectations of success or failure, positive or negative reinforcement, emotional state and result. The study of power motive is through singling of categories of prestige, instrumental activity aimed at power, external interference, power anticipation, emotional states, the effect of power action. Content analysis of affiliation motives includes an analysis following categories: positive emotions, dialogue, growth, loyalty, freedom from restrictions, reunification, harmony, conquest to sense, a refuge in a relationship, unity with nautre. As for the level of value, the article noted that on social level individual development is determined by the needs for approval and recognition and reflection is directed to understanding of referential awareness of assessments and forecasting of the basis of their own development. Process level is characterized by awareness of conditions and requirements of activity, reflection focus on skills, actions and operations and the their related results criterion for evaluating of which is effort. On the subjective level processes that occur in the sphere of activity and in social relations are conscious and influence the planning of further self-development. The indicators of qualitative analysis are: expression of each component in the structure of motivation, completeness of structure of motivation, external and internal balance of motivation structure, the analysis of groups of values that were significant for the results of value assessment. The proposed research represents the ideographic approach to the study of values and motivation and allows to follow the laws of value-motivational determination of political activity of the political leaders of national minorities.
EN
The peculiarities of the state of democracy in present-day Ukraine were analyzed. The article also deals with the issues that are fundamental criteria when evaluating the level and form of democracy in civilized countries and, namely, public confidence in the President of Ukraine, Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, Government of Ukraine, Armed Forces, Police, Security Service of Ukraine, Prosecutor General’s Office, courts, local authorities, non-governmental organizations, trade unions, church, and mass media. The examples and data that are indicative of low level of confidence in government institutions, security agencies, court system, and much higher level of confidence in non-governmental institutions are provided.
PL
W artykule wstępnej analizie poddano stan demokracji na Ukrainie, relacje pomiędzy władzą a społeczeństwem, zaprezentowano poziom zaufania obywateli do prezydenta, Rady Najwyższej, rządu, sił zbrojnych, milicji, służby bezpieczeństwa, prokuratury, sądów, władz lokalnych, organizacji pozarządowych, związków zawodowych, Kościoła i środków masowego przekazu. Przytoczone dane wskazują na niski poziom zaufania do instytucji państwowych, organów ścigania, sądownictwa oraz pokazują znacznie wyższy poziom zaufania obywateli do instytucji niepaństwowych. Niewystarczający poziom demokracji doprowadził na Ukrainie do wzrostu nastrojów antyrządowych i protestów społecznych. Niezadowolenie społeczne było skierowane przeciwko rosnącym wpływom oligarchów, korupcji na wszystkich poziomach relacji społecznych, presji w stosunku do małych i średnich przedsiębiorstw, niezdecydowaniu władz w zakresie wyboru strategicznego kierunku rozwoju państwa (Unia Europejska, Unia Celna). Publikacja przedstawia przyczyny, które skłoniły obywateli do udziału w protestach na Majdanie. Do najważniejszych należą: brutalne rozpędzenie demonstrantów na Placu Niepodległości, represje, rezygnacja Wiktora Janukowycza z podpisania umowy stowarzyszeniowej z UE, oczekiwania zmiany poziomu życia na Ukrainie. Ważnym czynnikiem okazało się dążenie społeczeństwa na Ukrainie do wymiany władzy. Główne wymagania stawiane przez demonstrantów na Majdanie to dymisja Janukowycza i przedterminowe wybory prezydenckie, podpisanie umowy stowarzyszeniowej z UE, rozwiązanie Rady Najwyższej i rozpisanie przedterminowych wyborów parlamentarnych, a także dymisja rządu. Ponadto wielu uczestników Majdanu opowiedziało się za odpowiedzialnością karną skorumpowanych urzędników, uwolnieniem Julii Tymoszenko i zmianą konstytucji, tzn. za powrotem do reformy konstytucyjnej z 2004 r. ograniczającej uprawnienia prezydenta. W artykule przedstawiono wyniki przedterminowych wyborów prezydenckich i parlamentarnych, których przeprowadzenie na podstawie starego prawa wyborczego istotnie nie zmieniło systemu politycznego, co nie odpowiada interesowi społecznemu. Pomimo zachodzących zmian duża część mieszkańców Ukrainy nie dokonała przewartościowań i ponownie zagłosowała w wyborach na regionalne klany oligarchiczne i rosyjskich lobbystów.
EN
Professor Andrzej Czajowski, an academic scholar and lecturer at the University of Wroclaw, conducted interdisciplinary scientific research in many fields of political science. His main field of interest was political theory. The subjects of his research were, inter alia, the nature of politics and political aspects of other social phenomena, the relations between political power, decisions, actions, agents and structures. Professor Czajowski conducted interdisciplinary research from the perspectives of political theory, political psychology and law. His main contribution to empirical and analytical political theory was the development of a new understanding of different academic concepts in political science, such as politics, power, political decisions and political activity. In the published books and research papers professor Czajowski has developed new meanings of key political science concepts, such as politics, power, political action, political decisions, political attitudes, political conflicts and political thought. His academic works have enriched the language of political science and political theory by adding new classifications and typologies, and contributed to a better understanding of the complexity of politics.
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