Search results

1

Political violence as a prerequisite for a plebiscite in the Danube region: Western Hungary – Burgenland after World War I

100%

Murber I., Murber I.

Historie. Jahrbuch des Zentrums für Historische Forschung Berlin der Polnischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

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2020

2

THE NEED FOR NEW RESEARCH ON TERRORISM

100%

Wojciechowski S.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2013

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vol. 42

34-46

EN

Terrorist attacks in various parts of the world evidence’s what a complex and dangerous problem we are facing, even though a great number of states and organizations have committed themselves to combating it, deploying a variety of resources and mechanisms for this purpose. Nevertheless, there is no fully efficient method or system to counter terrorism. It is no use hoping that it will emerge soon (or ever), either. Therefore, combating terrorism resembles the struggle of the ‘global community’ with a globally operating enemy.

3

Structural and Functional Bases of Formational, Institutional and Procedural Mechanism Using Power Resources of Stalin’s Totalitarian Regime in Western Ukraine at the Final Stage of the Second World War

100%

DOKASH O. Y.

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2014

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issue 12(19)

23-32

EN

The presented scientific, theoretical and practical aspects of the topic are considered an important prerequisite for understanding the causes and results of the mass use of the deportation repressive tool in the intensive consolidation of Stalin’s totalitarian regime in “class hostile environment” and the consequences of such a policy for the western region development, particularly at modern stage, including the Ukrainian political nation-building and the independent Ukrainian state, which is now experiencing challenges and threats that are rooted in the totalitarian past. Stalinism, as a particular political regime, was established in the western regions of Ukraine at the final stages of World War II and can be defined as a kind of left extremist totalitarianism. The main components of the efficiency of the Stalinist totalitarian regime based on the mass use of political violence and terror through the branched structure of repressive secret police. Functions of the NKVS, NKVD, prosecutors, and courts followed the strategic objectives of Stalin’s totalitarian regime in a hostile social and national environment in Western Ukraine in the complex military and political conditions of the final phase of World War II. Effective and timely implementation of policy priorities of Stalinism in the region allowed to create an appropriate institutional and procedural system, which was based on the large-scale use of political violence and employed such characteristic tools as terror, repression, deportation.

4

Strategies of Islamist Extremism in Europe

100%

Mares M.

International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal

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2015

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vol. 17

109-118

EN

This paper explains various strategies of contemporary Islamists extremism in Europe. The author identifies the most important variants of Islamist extremism and deals with their goals and with strategic approaches how to achieve these goals. Quasi-legalist strategies as well as violent forms of interest-empowerment are described. The author uses sources from various Islamist organizations and analyses these materials within the framework of modern insurgency. A comprehensive outlook and threat assessment of Islamist extremist strategies are included in this article.

5

Paramilitarne struktury i działalność spiskowo-bojowa polskiej prawicy 1918–1933

86%

Tomasiewicz J.

Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka

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2016

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issue 2

67-86

PL

Życie polityczne w okresie dwudziestolecia międzywojennego nacechowane było przemocą. Polska prawica (zarówno nacjonalistyczna jak konserwatywna) była jednym z aktorów tej przemocy, lecz początkowo nie odgrywała w niej wiodącej roli. Pomimo pewnej fascynacji faszyzmem polscy prawicowcy w latach 20. nie byli gotowi do systematycznego stosowania przemocy. Punktem zwrotnym był przewrót 1926 r. Nowopowstały Obóz Wielkiej Polski posiada paramilitarną strukturę, a jego młodzieżowe skrzydło szkoliło się do walki. Ta ewolucja w kierunku przemocy politycznej została przerwana delegalizacją OWP w 1933 r.

EN

The political life in the Second Republic was very violent and volatile. The Polish political right (both conservative and nationalist) was one of actors of the violence theatre but initially its role was not principal. Despite certain fascination with fascism, Polish rightists of the 20s were not ready for the systematic use of violence. The turning point was the coup d’etat of the 1926. The newly created Obóz Wielkiej Polski (Greater Poland Camp) had a paramilitary structure and its youth wing were trained into violence. This violent evolution was stopped by banning of the OWP in 1933.

6

PRZEMOC POLITYCZNA W RODEZJI POŁUDNIOWEJ W LATACH 1955–1965

86%

Dulek P., Kosidło A.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

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2017

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issue 4

55-86

EN

The purpose of this article is to analyze the causes and effects of political violence in Southern Rhodesia in the period preceding the announcement of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence. This article is intended to answer the question why in short period of time African nationalists proceeded from peaceful protests to an armed struggle and whether the decision to change their strategy was not taken hastily. It also aims to explain why African neighborhoods became the scenes of brutal fighting and violence targeted at its residents and what consequences it entailed. The author also wants to convince that only reforms carried out in due course, i.e. at the beginning of the nationalist movement, could guarantee a peaceful evolution to independence without a recourse to bloody political violence. In the case of Southern Rhodesia this was not successful, which confirms the validity of the claim that the violence was the most cruel where the dominant white nationalism strove to stop the African nationalism from realizing their own version of national independence.

7

Time and Fantasy in Narratives of Jihad: The Case of the Islami Jamiat-I-Tuleba in Karachi

86%

Khan N.

Human Affairs

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2010

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vol. 20

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issue 3

241-248

EN

This article proposes an analytical framework for thinking about violence in the Islami Jamiat-i-Tuleba (IJT), the student organization of Jamaat e Islami (JI), Pakistan's longstanding Islamist party. It prioritises the intersection of the psychic and the social, and the role of politics, history and biography in mediating the modalities, narration and praxis of violence in the city of Karachi. The dominant explanations tend to emphasise political instrumentalism, and structural and ideological factors, and to "Islamicise" the violence, collapsing Islamic rhetoric into an extemporization of conditions, ignoring the deep affective appeal of violence to individuals, and leaving unelaborated the role of intersecting national, local and individual contexts and temporalities in structuring political subjectivity and violent action.

8

PEACE STUDIES: BASICS AND ISSUES

86%

Spiegel E.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2013

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vol. 42

21-33

EN

Although questions of peace are diff erent in context, for specific questions today, we need a science of peace in a universal sense. It is true that sometimes talking about peace is too unspecifi ed and therefore too general. The term peace in its common sense has passed its peak. Instead of talking about peace we prefer talking much more concretely and bindingly for example about (racism and) intercultural learning, (violence in family and) nonviolent education, (exploitation and) fair economic structures, (war and) nonviolent confl ict transformation, (patriarchalism and) gender awareness, (ecological destruction and) animal protection. Developments of differentiation are positive. We can meet questions of peace on different levels of living together and in diff erent parts of our life and therefore in a lot of terms describe special problem areas. Anyway we have to reflect on the universal dimensions as well as the principles of peace. Using the term makes sense furthermore.

9

Studying Political Violence Using Game Theory Models: Research Approaches and Assumptions

86%

Wajzer M., Cukier-Syguła M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2020

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issue 2 (49)

143-157

EN

The purpose of the paper is to concisely present basic applications of game theory models for a scientific description of political violence. The paper is divided into four parts. The first part discusses the key theoretical issues including: the assumption of the players’ rationality, the assumption of the players’ common knowledge of their rationality, the Nash equilibrium concept, Pareto optimality, the Nash arbitration scheme and the concept of evolutionarily stable strategies. The second and third parts contain examples of uses of selected models of classical and evolutionary games in the studies on political violence. The following two interaction schemes were used to that end: the Prisoner’s Dilemma and Chicken. The paper ends with a summary and discussion. The key feature of the discussed models is their methodological simplicity, as demonstrated by the lack of need to use complicated mathematical methods. This is why the paper is mainly addressed to individuals who had not studied game theory before or who have insufficient knowledge in the field to conduct own studies.

10

Paramilitarne struktury i działalność spiskowo-bojowa Polskiej Partii Socjalistycznej 1918–1928

72%

Tomasiewicz, J., Grudka P.

Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka

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2017

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issue 2

91-110

PL

Polska Partia Socjalistyczna miała silne tradycje działalności paramilitarnej, sięgające 1904 r. Socjalistyczne formacje bojowe – Pogotowie Bojowe i Milicja Ludowa – odegrały istotną rolę walkach o niepodległość i granice. W późniejszym okresie partyjna milicja służyła do walki zarówno z prawicą (m.in. w czasie przewrotu majowego 1926 r.) jak i z komunistami. Milicja w Warszawie stopniowo uniezależniała się od partii i angażowała w działania kryminalne. Ostatecznie doprowadziło to do rozłamu w 1928 r. i utworzenia PPS – dawnej Frakcji Rewolucyjnej.

EN

The Polish Socialist Party (PPS) had a long and strong tradition of paramilitary activity since 1904. Socialist armed formations – the Fighting Emergency Squad and the Peoples’ Militia – were very active during the struggle for Independence and – afterwards – frontiers of the Second Republic of Poland 1917–21. In later period militia of the PPS fought both against rightists (especially in Józef Piłsudski’s coup d’état in 1926) and communists. The Warsaw branch of militia gradually became independent from the Party’s leadership and engaged in criminal activity. Finally militiamen split up and created so-called Former Revolutionary Fraction of PPS in 1928.

11

Heroes or Thieves? Nepotism, Clientage and Paramilitary Violence in Hungary, 1919–1921

72%

Bodó B.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2015

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vol. 7

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issue 1

66-114

EN

This article has examined the motives of the leaders and rank-and-file of the two most important paramilitary groups in Hungary during the counterrevolution. It has shown that the atrocities committed against middleclass Jews were primarily motivated by greed, rather than ethnic and religious hatred or anti-Communist sentiments. Paramilitary violence was conditioned by economic collapse and the “retreat of the state” and its loss of monopoly on violence. Many individuals and social groups also used the militias to achieve their long-term goals: to put pressure on law makers to pass anti-Semitic legislation, which would limit the number of Jewish students admitted to universities and control their share in the various professions. Paramilitary violence can thus be perceived as not only as a product of economic collapse, social chaos, and the “retreat of the state”: it was also part and parcel of a social strategy aimed at the redistribution of wealth, life-chances, power and influence. Finally, article has argued that the defeat of the militia movement in Hungary was due to its leaders’ lack of political talent and the slow restoration of law and order under the conservative government of István Bethlen in the early 1920s.

12

Meandry przemocy politycznej: w poszukiwaniu definicji zabójstwa politycznego

72%

mider d.

Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego

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2015

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vol. 9

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issue 2

202-219

EN

The article analyses the concept of political assassination – its genesis and present understanding in the subject literature. The premise for undertaking such efforts is the fact that this concept is blurred and stigmatised with negative moral assessment. Based on the analysis of the subject literature and case studies an own definition was constructed that regulates and designs the concept of political assassination.

PL

W artykule przeprowadzono analizę pojęcia zabójstwa politycznego (assassination) – jego genezy oraz obecnego rozumienia w literaturze przedmiotu. Przesłanką podjęcia tych zabiegów jest fakt nieostrości tego pojęcia oraz jego naznaczenia negatywnym wartościowaniem moralnym. Na podstawie analizy literatury przedmiotu oraz studiów przypadków skonstruowano autorską definicję regulująco - projektującą pojęcia zabójstwa politycznego.

13

Dialéctica víctima-perpetrador como causación de la novela Con sangre de hermanos

58%

Nani D. F.

Revista del CESLA. International Latin American Studies Review

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2021

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issue 27

133-157

EN

This paper deals with the novel Con sangre de hermanos. It demonstrates how the characters firstly become deeply affected by Somoza’s National Guard repression. Then they cope with those traumas and dissociations in an unethical way: killing and persecuting opposition members. Moreover, Sandinistas look able to be in the “grey area” and to sacrifice themselves for the leftist party. It ends up with an FSLN (Sandinista National Liberation Front) strengthened by the crimes and betrayals to its own members. It concludes that this book has been structured as a perpetrator novel.

ES

Este escrito trata acerca de la novela Con sangre de hermanos. Demuestra cómo los personajes primero son profundamente afectados por la represión de la Guardia Nacional somocista. Luego ellos afrontan los traumas y las disociaciones de una forma no ética: asesinando y persiguiendo a los miembros de la oposición. Más aun, los sandinistas parecen anuentes a ser “zonas grises” y a sacrificarse a sí mismos por el partido izquierdista. Culmina el escrito con un FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional) alimentado por los crímenes y las traiciones contra sus propios miembros. En conclusión, tenemos que el libro se estructura como una novela de perpetradores.

14

U genezy Estado Novo. Przemiany polityczne i ustrojowe Portugalii w pierwszej połowie XX wieku

58%

Skórzyński J.

Dzieje Najnowsze

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2022

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vol. 54

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issue 2

27-47

EN

Between 1910 and 1933, the political system in Portugal changed three times. The monarchy, overthrown by the 5 October 1910 Revolution, gave way to a republic which in 1926 was ended by a military coup that introduced a dictatorship. The political system of the new regime was determined by the 1933 constitution, which established the New State – Estado Novo – designed by António Salazar. At the origin of the authoritarian New State lay the memory of the political chaos and social unrest of the First Republic. The radical Republican faction that ruled it most of the time did not build a stable democratic system and did not provide the country with internal security or economic development.

PL

W ciągu 23 lat XX w. w Portugalii trzy razy zmieniał się system polityczny. Monarchia obalona przez rewolucję 1910 r. ustąpiła miejsca republice, a ta z kolei uległa w 1926 r. wojskowemu zamachowi stanu, który wprowadził dyktaturę. Kształt ustrojowy nowego reżimu określiła konstytucja z 1933 r., ustanawiając Estado Novo według projektu Antónia Salazara. U genezy autorytarnego Nowego Państwa leżała pamięć o politycznym chaosie i niepokojach społecznych I Republiki. Rządzący nią przez większość czasu radykalny odłam republikanów nie zbudował stabilnego systemu demokratycznego, nie zapewnił krajowi bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego ani rozwoju ekonomicznego.

Refine search results

Political violence as a prerequisite for a plebiscite in the Danube region: Western Hungary – Burgenland after World War I

THE NEED FOR NEW RESEARCH ON TERRORISM

Structural and Functional Bases of Formational, Institutional and Procedural Mechanism Using Power Resources of Stalin’s Totalitarian Regime in Western Ukraine at the Final Stage of the Second World War

Strategies of Islamist Extremism in Europe

Paramilitarne struktury i działalność spiskowo-bojowa polskiej prawicy 1918–1933

PRZEMOC POLITYCZNA W RODEZJI POŁUDNIOWEJ W LATACH 1955–1965

Time and Fantasy in Narratives of Jihad: The Case of the Islami Jamiat-I-Tuleba in Karachi

PEACE STUDIES: BASICS AND ISSUES

Studying Political Violence Using Game Theory Models: Research Approaches and Assumptions

Paramilitarne struktury i działalność spiskowo-bojowa Polskiej Partii Socjalistycznej 1918–1928

Heroes or Thieves? Nepotism, Clientage and Paramilitary Violence in Hungary, 1919–1921

Meandry przemocy politycznej: w poszukiwaniu definicji zabójstwa politycznego

Dialéctica víctima-perpetrador como causación de la novela Con sangre de hermanos

U genezy Estado Novo. Przemiany polityczne i ustrojowe Portugalii w pierwszej połowie XX wieku