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EN
Purpose: Although social capital and positive reputation in organizations are essential for career success, there is a limited perspective in the literature on the political characteristics (motivation and ability) that enable one to acquire and develop the two elements. This study seeks to investigate the sequential role of political skill and network resources as serial mediators of the political will–personal reputation relationship. Methodology: In total, what provided data for the study were 457 sales executives from 13 different sectors in the cities of İstanbul, Kocaeli, and Bursa, which is an economically leading region of western Turkey. Executives rated their political will, political skill network resources, and personal reputation. Based on the complementary theories of political influence, social network, and signaling, we analyzed the relationships between constructs with structural equation modeling. Findings: Political skill mediated the relationship between political will and network resources, network resources mediated the relationship between political skill and personal reputation, while political skill and network resources sequentially mediated the relationship between political will and personal reputation. Implications: The data were collected from a single source. Practical Implications: Political will, political skill training, and social networks may help individuals manage their personal reputation at work, thus benefiting their careers. Originality/Value: This is one of the first studies to sequentially investigate how individuals’ characteristics (motivation and ability) develop their social network and personal reputation at work. Moreover, theories of political influence, social capital, and signaling were jointly used for the first time ever.
EN
The article accepts Ritter’s dictum that Hegel is a philosopher of the French Revolution. Admittedly, Hegel considers the French Revolution to be the political birth of the modern era, nevertheless he also sees this historical event as the warning example of democracy based on the general will of the people which results in a terror. The article seeks to explain the argument that Hegel’s mature theory of representation makes both against Rousseau’s conception of the general will and against the modern tradition of liberal contractualism. Of key importance in this respect are the concepts “political will” and “public opinion”, which play, as Urbinati has argued, a key role in the theory of representation. The starting point of the argument is Schmitt’s distinction between representation and identity as two principles of political form, which is to some extent shared also by Hegel in his polemic with Rousseau as a theorist of democratic revolution. Hegel understands the State as the unification of civil society in political will, which is mediated by a number of institutions. This mediation of will is seen as a process of political representation, in which the fundamental role is played by the estates (Stände). Hegel’s theory of representation also sets it against the tradition of liberal contractualism, as shown in a polemic with Kant’s conception of the public. But Hegel’s conception of public opinion betrays his considerable mistrust of the subversive potential of democracy. Nevertheless, his theory of representation offers us a fundamental way to think about the concepts of political will and public opinion, thus creating an alternative tradition of modern political theory and providing us with a theoretical instrument for contemplating the contemporary crisis of representative democracy.
EN
Political will acts as a key component of the political process, the understanding of the essence of political events and the development of mechanisms for the modernization of socio-political life. The systematization of the motivational factors for implementing political will in decisions of the ruling elite and consolidation of the social outlook within the framework of the national identification process will allow establishing the essence of the determination of the political process, as well as identifying the key problems of balancing the socio-political environment and rationalizing the methodology of public policy development. Of particular importance is the above-mentioned problem within the Ukrainian socio-political space. The complexity of modernizing management institutes, regulating channels of power-public interaction and leveling up the confrontation of social initiatives requires the urgent development of algorithms for the transformation of a political system based on the materialization of social political will and the reconciliation of public expectations with the functional guides of key political actors. A prerequisite for these progressive advances is the theoretical understanding of the processes of practical implementation of the political interests of civil society in political decisions of the ruling elite, which is possible on the basis of studying the motivation of political will as the basis for reforming the socio-political sphere and the driving force of the gradual improvement of the political arrangement of the state system. Understanding the will as a regulator of human behavior and activity is expressed in the ability to overcome internal and external difficulties in the process of the implementation of purposeful actions and actions. It is the will to control the incentive to act and act in accordance with the purpose. Will and her motivation are the most important components of the deliberate behavior of a statesman. If the motivation is primarily responsible for initiating behavior (the formation of intentions), the will is responsible for their implementation. Considering the essence of the concept of «political will» through the prism of the practical measurement of the political process, the extraordinary value in the context of the search for the root causes and the development of mechanisms for modernizing public administration is to prevent the negative phenomena of politics - the centralization of political power and authoritarianization of the political system. After all, the greatest potential and opportunities for the implementation of motivated political will are fixed by the political actors endowed either by democratic procedures or through the form of organization of the political regime of power preferences. As with the functioning of representative democracy of the Western model with the prevalence of the legislative institution and the presidential form of the organization of political power inherent in certain countries of the post-Soviet political space, the implementation of a functional program for modeling state policy is de facto consolidated by representatives of the authorities. In any case, the political will of a separate political actor in the implementation of national policies should not prevail over the collective initiatives of civil society. Only then, representative democracy, based on the articulation of public interests by democratically oriented politicians, will not turn into a state system of an authoritarian type, where the definition of the course of foreign and domestic policy of the country will be in the plane of individual beliefs of one or more political actors. Expansion of the motivational paradigm of political will becomes especially relevant for defining the content of democratization processes in the post-Soviet political space, including in Ukraine. The long process of formation of Ukrainian statehood was accompanied by the arrival of a number of political forces, which were marked by different political views and a change in the constitutional matrix of the organization of political space. However, not always the political will of the country’s elite to form the course of state policy was in the field of national benchmarks of the Ukrainian public. As a result, the dissonance of the political will of the authorities and public institutions has led to political activation of the public and reformatting political power on the basis of popular will. The coincidence of various factors of a subjective and objective nature put the Ukrainian state in front of the choice of a vector for further political development. Challenges are not only in the field of consolidation of public landmarks, but also in rationalizing the administrative and management system and improving the program of political actions of the ruling elite. So, as a general conclusion, we note the following. Whatever the active role played by the will in the activity of a statesman, one can not completely deny that it is determined by a set of objective conditions and subjective factors, the material relations in which a person is. Will, as a driving force, is the concentration of energy that the subject receives from society, a form of manifestation of political activity, which includes the political consciousness and behavior of the subject of politics, and is directed, first of all, to the realization of interests and needs, related to the achievement of power, its maintenance, strengthening and use. An essential characteristic of political will is the ability of a political entity, through the appropriate volitional effort, to consistently pursue its goals and objectives in the field of political life, which involves the development, clear and clear articulation of political requirements and programs, the ability to adjust its goals and actions in relation to certain circumstances. The main motivational factors and at the same time the semantic core of the realization of political will are political values and the installation of social and individual consciousness, the political and legal culture of the subject of political activity. Volitional efforts can be related to biologically determined predispositions of the individual. Along with this, the motivation of political leaders in resolving political problems by volitional efforts is often caused by external factors, which indicates a significant reduction in their role of internal moral control. External motives can drive a policy maker in favor of a solution that will bring immediate benefits, but its long-term consequences will be negative. Therefore, when making decisions, one must always take into account the voice of conscience and think about how one or another solution will affect other people. Ideally, volitional activity of subjects of political activity should be limited not only to moral values, but also to the corresponding rules and norms. Only in this case, it will meet the idea of achieving the public good.
EN
The text starts by briefly exploring the present strategic situation on NATO’s Eastern rim. In a situation clearly dominated by sharply increased Russian aggressiveness, and by the fact that Russia has already made several attempts directly aimed at shaping, by force, a new regional and continental balance of power (see war against Georgia, in 2008, the annexation of Crimea, in 2014, and an extensive set of military actions against Ukraine), Russian plans and actions are legitimately worrying NATO and, above all, the small or medium-sized countries on the Eastern border of the North Atlantic Alliance. Starting mainly in 2014, Russian aggressiveness generated some significant reactions within NATO, including the political decision to increase defence budgets and deploying (mainly by rotation) military forces belonging to Western member states in the directly threatened countries. These countries (the three small Baltic republics, Poland and Romania) are also strengthening their defensive capabilities, buying new weapons systems, and by hosting or organising NATO defensive exercises. But all these deterrents are costly, and implementing them is time-consuming. It is for these reasons that the article examines the political- strategic necessity of implementing national policies aimed at quickly generating and consolidating potent popular militias. These militias, which are an obvious embodiment of a very strong political will at national level, might be, if properly used, an extra significant deterrent, directly telling Putin’s regime it has no real chance of winning a quick and cheap victory, if it behaves aggressively against states on the Eastern rim of NATO. At this very moment, more than ever before (at least for the almost 30 years since the end of the Cold War), NATO is confronted with the openly aggressive foreign policy, strategic plans and strategic actions of the Russian Federation.
EN
The Ferghana Valley is the most densely populated part of Central Asia. The borders of Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan intersect across the Valley. The state lines of these three post-Soviet states were determined during the national-territorial land division in the 1920s. Borders of these three post-Soviet states were drawn during the 1920s, which was a period of territorial land divisions in the early Soviet period. The boundaries drawn at that time have not been universally accepted by these modern post-Soviet states, and have thus become the subject of fierce debate since the time of their independence. This region has a high population density and a high growth rate. These facts, along with the water policies and the objectives of each state, has caused the Ferghana Valley to become a geographical focus of regional conflicts.Enclave problems appear as one of the factors leading to local conflicts at the interstate level. The purpose of this article is to classify Ferghana enclaves in accordance with international scientific definitions and to assess their impact in the context of relations between the kin- and surrounding states. This problem will be discussed from the perspective of interethnic and interstate relations in the Valley. The article shows the evolution of enclaves in Ferghana, their problems, the history of interstate relations in the post-Soviet period, the position and role of the Ferghana states in resolving disputes about the state borders.
RU
В статье рассматриваются риски процессов документирования информации, структурирования и систематизации данных документированных сфер деятельности организации, которые усугубляются несоответствием профессиональной компетентности высшего уровня принятия управленческих решений. Устанавливаются последствия от отсутствия политической воли и ответственности: 1) использование дискретно-знаковых систем коммуникаций через абстрактные понятия, 2) творческая переформулировка профессиональной терминологии, 3) реинтерпретация базовых профессиональных знаний, 4) подмена практических навыков миметическим и инсценировочным (перформативным) воспроизводством действий, без знания процессов и реляций, 5) манипулирование изначально отсутствующими смыслами конкретных видов работ, 6) внедрение не обладающих концептом технологий и ИТ-решений и т.п. Предлагаются меры по обеспечению условий для осуществления стратегической программы управления системами документации и документальными фондами, обладающей достаточным уровнем гибкости, позволяющей бизнесу и организациям эффективно функционировать и реагировать на ожидания акционеров, экономических агентов и общества, стимулировать долгосрочные капиталовложения в цифровую трансформацию данных своих документированных сфер деятельности.
EN
The article considers the risks of the processes of information documentation, structuring and systematization of these documented areas of activity of the organization, which are aggravated by the discrepancy of professional competence of the highest level of management decision-making. Establishes the consequences of the lack of political will and responsibility: 1) the use of discrete-symbolic systems of communication through abstract concepts, 2) creative reformulation of professional terminology, 3) the reinterpretation of the basic professional knowledge, 4) the substitution of practical skills and mimetic instsenirovana (performative) of the reproduction action, without the knowledge of the processes and reports, 5) the manipulation of initially missing the meanings of specific types of works, 6) the introduction of no-concept technology and it solutions, etc. Measures are proposed to ensure the conditions for the implementation of the strategic program of management of documentation systems and documentary funds, which has a sufficient level of flexibility, allowing businesses and organizations to function effectively and respond to the expectations of shareholders, economic agents and society, to stimulate long-term investment in the digital transformation of their documented areas of activity.
PL
W artykule omówiono ryzyko związane z procesami dokumentowania informacji, strukturyzowania i systematyzowania danych dokumentowanych działań organizacji, które są spotęgowane niedopasowaniem kompetencji zawodowych najwyższego szczebla w podejmowaniu decyzji zarządczych. Ustalono konsekwencje braku woli politycznej i odpowiedzialności: 1) wykorzystanie systemów komunikacji z użyciem znaków z abstrakcyjnych systemów, 2) twórcze przeformułowanie terminologii zawodowej, 3) reinterpretacja podstawowej wiedzy zawodowej, 4) zastąpienie umiejętności praktycznych mimetyczną i sceniczną (wykonawczą) reprodukcją działań, bez znajomość procesów i relacji, 5) manipulowanie znaczeniami określonych rodzajów pracy; 6) wprowadzenie technologii i rozwiązań IT itp. Autor proponuje środki zapewniające warunki do realizacji strategicznego programu zarządzania systemami dokumentacji i funduszami dokumentacyjnymi o wystarczającym poziomie elastyczności, umożliwiającymi przedsiębiorstwom i organizacjom skuteczne funkcjonowanie i reagowanie na oczekiwania udziałowców, podmiotów gospodarczych i społeczeństwa oraz stymulowanie długoterminowych inwestycji związanych z cyfrową transformacją danych z udokumentowanych obszarów działalności.
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