Search results

1

The importance for politicians to realize that they live and operate in the “world” of lacunas (gaps)

100%

Danilchenko T. Y.

Prosopon. Europejskie Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne

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2012

|

issue 2(4)

59-65

EN

The picture of the contemporary world does not show only a bipolar split between the West and other civilizations. There is a set of “counter forces” and the set of political, religious, interethnic lacunas.

2

“This is not a political party, this is Facebook!”: Political jokes and political (mis)trust in crisis-ridden Greece

88%

Tsakona V.

The European Journal of Humour Research

|

2017

|

vol. 5

|

issue 4

EN

The present study attempts to combine Raskin’s (1985) and Davies’ (2011) methodological approaches to political jokes to investigate Greek political jokes targeting politicians and circulated during the first 4 years of the Greek crisis. The proposed analysis identifies, on the one hand, what Greek people perceive as politicians’ main incongruities, namely their flaws that prevent them from fulfilling their roles ‘appropriately’. On the other hand, the particularities of the sociopolitical context in Greece and, most importantly, the pervasive lack of political trust among Greeks allow for an interpretation of the jokes under scrutiny as expressions of disillusionment and disappointment with politicians and the political system in general, and as manifestations of mild, playful aggression towards them. The findings of the study reveal that the accusations raised in the jokes against politicians capture and reproduce quite accurately most of the aspects and causes of political mistrust in Greece.

3

Blogi internetowe polityków a identyfikacje partyjne

88%

Wichura J.

Political Preferences

|

2013

|

issue 7

11-23

EN

For politics, just like any member of the public, the Internet is a very convenient medium. It not only allows for a relatively low cost to reach diverse customers, but it is also an excellent tool for meeting the requirements of the politics personalization. Not only their own websites, on-line discussions and e-mail offer today a politician possibility of mediating communication with citizens (voters). Becoming increasingly popular, blog offers many exciting opportunities to provide information. Every political party can find a politician who owns and runs a blog (including Joanna Senyszyn, Waldemar Pawlak, Ryszard Czarnecki, Janusz Korwin-Mikke, Marek Migalski). Most of them treats virtual notebooks as a tool to present their views and image. They emphasize certain information which they believe and have not been adequately provided by other media. Undoubtedly, online diaries begin to play an increasingly important role today in political communication. Even though they are much more “poor” from parliamentary websites, because they contain only the texts published by the author, they are a great advantage of personalistic character. Popularity of blogs among politicians (not only in Poland) is steadily increasing. One of the things attesting to the validity of this court is its constant evolution. Online diaries are more and more powerful. You can now post on blog not only a text, but also a photo, short video or audio file. It should be noted that the political debate is closely dependent on the media and changing with the emergence of new communication tools. Blogs made a significant transfers in this area. For the purposes of this article, subject of study focused on two levels of analysis, for the elections to the Parliament (if they were held this Sunday) and in the context of political ideology. The analysis of empirical data was related to the two main issues: ownership and operation of political blogs and track their entries by the voters.

4

Być politykiem, być publicystą – o Janie Marii Rokicie na wybranych przykładach

88%

Mroziński J.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica

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2012

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vol. 17

|

issue 3

62-77

EN

This article attempts to compare Jan Maria Rokita’s talks between 1989 and 2007, the period of his active participation in politics, and the theses which he posed as a journalist. This is meant to help answer the question about the extent of the evolution of the would-be Prime Minister’s views in relation to the Polish situation. The analysis is devoted to media information referring to Jan Rokita’s utterances and his 66 comments, which were published between 1 September, 2008 and 31 August, 2009 on dziennik.pl.

5

CZY ZALEWA NAS FALA PRZEMOCY? POLITYCY I MEDIA VS. DANE STATYSTYCZNE

75%

HAMER K., HAMER H.

Civitas et Lex

|

2014

|

issue 3

39-55

EN

By detailed analyses of Polish and world statistics, the authors search for the answer if in fact, as some politicians and citizens claim, the world and in particular European Union and Poland are overcome by the wave of violence. Data gathered, among others, by Polish Public Opinion Research Center (CBOS), Eurostat and United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNOCD), as well as anthropologists and police, clearly prove the opposite. Scientific comparisons concerning violence over the centuries show that its scale drastically decreased and the world gets safer with time. Statistical reports of the United Nations especially clearly indicate European Union (including Poland) as particularly peaceful region against the rest of the world, having the lowest murder rates. Eurostat data confirm these results, also showing decrease in other crimes over the years. Polish police data similarly prove existence of this trend and CBOS indicates that it is reflected in increasing sense of security among Poles. In the second part of the article the authors explain potential reasons for using such false slogans as “increasing wave of violence” by politicians and raising fear in voters as well as psychological mechanisms responsible for their potential effectiveness.

6

Neustála snaha rušiť Vedeckú grantovú agentúru MŠVVaŠ SR – SAV

75%

Kmeť N.

Acta historica Neosoliensia Vedecký časopis pre historické vedy

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2022

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vol. 25

|

issue 2

82-102

EN

Currently, a significant proportion of scientific and scholarly outputs are produced within the framework of grants awarded by a specific scientific agency. There are a number of grant schemes in Slovakia that support science and research. The resources used are mostly state, public, European and, to a certain extent, private. The bulk of the projects undertaken at scholarly institutes are backed by the Scientific Grant Agency (VEGA), whose funds are provided by the Ministry of Education, Science, Research and Sports of the Slovak Republic (MŠVVaŠ SR) and the Slovak Academy of Sciences (SAV). Any attempt to "transform/reform" a functioning basic research support scheme naturally provokes negative reactions in the scholarly community. These also include the material entitled "Proposal of VEGA action alternatives (/KEGA)". It comes as a surprise, or even a shock, to read that some of the proposals for the elimination of VEGA come from the Ministry of Education and Culture of the Slovak Republic and from other supreme state administration bodies. What is invariably used as an argument is the need to make the system more efficient. It is usually emphasized, with regard to the science-support agencies, that their number does not agree with the needs, or that their centralization would enhance the quality of scientific outputs. Yet, it should be noted that centralization as such is the easiest way to administer a process and thus to assume complete control over it, allowing one to push forward their own interests. Regarding VEGA, there are constant controversies about whether it is a grant agency or just a mechanism for redistributing institutional funds. Scientific results suit politicians only when the latter wish to prove the country’s advancement level or when a specific problem is considered to be such that it could jeopardize the system’s stability. Unlike these, other research results are neglected, and, before long, the declared support is forgotten again because soon new political, social, economic or other interests of the state are found more important.

7

Apolitical reality of Polish Police

75%

Osmólska I., Pruchniak J.

Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka

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2022

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vol. XLIX

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issue 4

69-82

EN

The aim of the study is not only an attempt to define the concept of “apoliticality of the police” and its meaning, but above all, to draw attention to the increasingly emerging problem of interference by the participants of the political scene in the work of the Polish Police. For the purposes of this study, the notions of “political neutrality” and “apoliticality” are equivalent and synonymous. The main problem is the search for an answer to the question of whether the Polish Police nowadays are adequately protected against the influence of political pressure? The text uses theoretical research methods, including literature analysis and statistical data analysis. It was assumed that the apolitical nature of the police means the lack of involvement of police officers in political activities and the scrupulous and impartial performance of official duties, regardless of what is happening on the Polish political scene. The results of the conducted analyses allow the conclusion that the apolitical nature of the Polish Police is a mystification because it is insufficiently protected against the influence of politics, which as a consequence leads to a reduction in its effectiveness and social trust.

8

Relacje między politykami a biurokratami: W. Wilson, M. Weber, J. Schumpeter

75%

Dumbliauskas V., Jakubauskas A.

Themis Polska Nova

|

2014

|

issue 2(7)

80-99

EN

A. Farazmand identifies three approaches towards relationship between politicians and bureaucrats in contemporary academic discussion. The first approach holds the idea of total control of bureaucracy by elected politicians. The second approach rejects dichotomy of politics-administration, and speaks for the twofold role of bureaucracy, both political and administrative. The third approach treats the high level bureaucrats as possessing certain autonomy vis-ą-vis politicians. The aim of the article is to demonstrate that already the early researchers of relationship between politicians and bureaucrats provided different explanation of their roles. In order to ensure effectiveness of public administration, W. Wilson separated administration and politics. M. Weber showed the dark side of administrative effectiveness – bureaucratization of public life, which can be controlled only by charismatic political leadership. J. Schumpeter pointed to the negative side of competition among such charismatic leaders, that is, decrease of administrative effectiveness. Therefore, he claimed that democratic government has to rely upon professional bureaucracy, which is sufficiently strong and independent.The article proposes a twofold explanation of these divergent approaches. First, it can be explained by variety of parliamentary systems, which is determined by differing executive-legislative linkage. On of the extreme cases of such linkage is premiership of cabinet system, where the executive power dominates vis-ą-vis parliament. Such case could explain the approach (by M. Weber), according to which charismatic political leaders, who proved their capabilities during the party competition, could and should rule the systems of bureaucratic administration. Another extreme case – the French type assembly government – could explain the approach (by J. Schumpeter) that bureaucracy should be strong and independent, which could advice or even prescribe politicians, engaged into competition, which forces to care not about the effectiveness of state administration but the political value of administrative decisions. Second, the explanation of different approaches concerning the role of politicians and bureaucrats may by related to the fact that societies seek to have both politically responsive and professionally responsible bureaucracy. The aim of politically responsive bureaucracy rests on the understanding of the importance of political leadership in liberal democracies and its relationship with the state bureaucracy. This aim is expressed by M. Weber. Another aim comes from the understanding that implementation of public policy, formulated by politicians, depends on the professionalism of bureaucracy and its responsibility. This aim is articulated by J. Schumpeter.

9

Expecting the unexpected – teachers about politicians and the educational policy

75%

Gajdzica A.

Studia Pedagogiczne

|

2014

|

vol. LXVII

10

Pakistan media: Unnamed sources reaveal political crises and law and order problems

75%

Mazumdar A.

Central European Journal of Communication

|

2016

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vol. 9

|

issue 2 (17)

213-228

11

Changes in the perception of immigration, integration, multiculturalism and threats of Islamic radicalism in certain EU member states

75%

Izak K.

Przegląd Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego

|

2021

|

vol. 13

|

issue 24

375-403

EN

The 2015 immigration crisis became a driving force for movements and parties that negate the current political order, including those that do not conceal their xenophobic slogans and ideas. In retrospect, there are more and more signs that the decision to accept the uncontrolled refugee influx was more an expression of wishful thinking than a rational decision, taking into account the actual political situation. Thus, Europe finds itself in a dangerous situation with far-right movements on the one hand, and radical Islam on the other. Each of these formations legitimises its existence and methods of operation by the existence of the other side, trying to polarise society and create a situation that will somehow force citizens to opt for one of the two options. Paradoxically, Chancellor Merkel’s decision to admit immigrants significantly increased the risk of such a scenario, hence the perception of Islamic and right-wing extremism by the German authorities as posing an equal threat to state security. However, it was only the recent terrorist attacks in October and November 2020 in France and Germany that changed the political narrative.

12

Wybrane instytucje polskiej służby cywilnej na przestrzeni lat 1996-2009. Perspektywa porównawcza

63%

Springer B.

Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance

|

2012

|

issue 3(21)

66-82

PL

Przedmiotem studium jest analiza ewolucji funkcjonowania służby cywilnej w latach 1996-2009. W artykule za pomocą wprowadzanych w życie aktów prawnych dokonano analizy w zakresie tworzenia korpusu służby cywilnej, organizacji jej struktur, m.in.: Urzędu Służby Cywilnej, Szefa Służby Cywilnej, Państwowego Zasobu Kadro Dyrektora Generalnego oraz Rady Służby Cywilnej. Ponadto analizie poddano zasady rekrutacji, organizację służby przygotowawczej, oceny pracownicze i wyższe stanowiska w służbie cywilnej. Założeniem artykułu jest omówienie regulacji prawnych opracowywanych i uchwalanych przez parlament i rząd. Artykuł uzupełniony został danymi empirycznymi ukazującymi realizację założeń ustawowych bądź ich brak. Założeniem niniejszego opracowania jest również ukazanie dysfunkcjonalności systemu i wynikającego z tego chaosu. W konkluzji wyłania się obraz braku wizji ustawodawcy oraz lekceważenia niezwykle istotnego elementu życia publicznego, jakim jest korpus służby cywilnej.

EN

The study analyzes the evolution of the civil service in the years 1996-2009. It is based on incorporated legal acts which refer to the creation of the civil service corps and its organization structures, i.e. the Civil Service Office, the Head of the Civil Service, the Civil Service Council, The National Staff Resources, General Director, the Public Service Council. What is more, the author studies recruitment rules, the organization of preparatory service, staff evaluation and executive posts in the civil service. The aim of the paper is to discuss legal regulations developed and passed by the parliament and the government. It includes empirical data showing whether the statutory provisions were implemented. Moreover, it shows how the confusion in the matter resulted in problems of the entire system. In conclusion, it shows the lack of imagination on the part of the legislator or their disregard for the extremely important element of public life which is the civil service corps.

13

Bedřich Smetana a Riegrova rodina

63%

Pospíšil M.

Hudební věda (Musicology)

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2017

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vol. 54

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issue 2

179-200

XX

Studie Milana Pospíšila se zabývá kontakty mezi hudebním skladatelem Bedřichem Smetanou a Františkem Ladislavem Riegerem s jeho rodinou. Rieger byl vůdčí postavou politického života v době českého národního obrození. Pospíšil v této studii podrobuje kritice tradiční pohled na tyto dvě osobnosti jako na nepřátele, jak jej vykládal Zdeněk Nejedlý, a s pomocí archivních dokumentů představuje ideologického nánosu prostý výklad vztahu těchto dvou osobností.

14

Reaktywacje dystopii w najnowszej literaturze popularnej. Na marginesie lektury powieści Margaret Atwood i Ignacego Karpowicza

63%

Piechota D.

Filologia Polska. Roczniki Naukowe Uniwersytetu Zielonogórskiego

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2020

|

vol. 6

85-100

EN

Dystopia seems to be one of the most popular motifs in the latest pop culture. One of the reasons for it is that political, economic, and social transformations have happened in many countries. Looming crises in many countries prove the populist politicians take over to start a revolution to change people’s lives and make their nations powerful again. Their point of view seems to be very radical and dangerous. Rapid change from multicultural society into patriarchal society shows that many people are marginalised. Atwood’s and Karpowicz’s novels show countries after transformation where violence and terror is a major rule to control citizens’ lives. Regime breaks the significant laws, and as a result of it, many minorities are discriminated. Their existence is worthless for many reasons. What is more, rebellious citizens are eliminated from society. Both novels reveal dangers that once imposed upon the society by the ultranationalist governments may lead to yet another war.

PL

Dystopia wydaje się jednym z najpopularniejszych motywów w najnowszej kulturze popularnej. Jeden z powodów, dla których jest tak znany, wiąże się z przemianami politycznymi, gospodarczymi i społecznymi, jakie mają miejsce w wielu krajach. Liczne kryzysy potwierdzają fakt, iż populistyczni politycy przejmują władzę, aby rozpocząć rewolucję, która ma zmienić życie ludzi oraz sprawić, że ich narody ponownie staną się potężne. Ich punkt widzenia wydaje się bardzo radykalny i niebezpieczny. Szybka transformacja ze społeczeństwa wielokulturowego w patriarchalne pokazuje, iż wiele osób jest marginalizowanych. Powieści Atwood i Karpowicza pokazują kraje po transformacji, w których przemoc i terroryzm są główną regułą kontrolującą życie obywateli. Reżim łamie podstawowe prawa, w rezultacie czego wiele mniejszości jest dyskryminowanych. Ich istnienie jest bezwartościowe z wielu powodów. Co więcej, zbuntowani obywatele są eliminowani ze społeczeństwa. Obie powieści są mocnym ostrzeżeniem przed niebezpieczeństwami ultranacjonalistycznego rządu, który może doprowadzić do kolejnej wojny światowej.

15

Dlaczego brexit? Naukowcy szukają odpowiedzi

63%

Bzowska-Budd K.

Zeszyty Naukowe PUNO

|

2020

|

vol. 8

|

issue 1

147-173

EN

Soon after the referendum 2016 researchers tried to find the answer to the question: why British citizens choose to leave European Union? The above paper is a review of opinion polls and deeper research conducted by various universities and think tanks. Some of them just are dealing with a simple question whether the results of the repeated referendum would be the same? Other presents British attitude towards European Union and tries to establish how they see the future relationship between Great Britain and EU. Some are focused on demographical difference between brexiters and remainers. They also looked at the campaign before referendum. The paper starts and finish by citations from the speech made by prof. Alexander Betts who presents problems that British politicians have to dill with and brexit was not the answer.

16

Sposoby postrzegania problemów polskiej rodziny (aspekty wychowawcze i edukacyjne) przez polityków polskich partii parlamentarnych w latach 2007-2011

63%

Jagielska D.

Studia z Teorii Wychowania

|

2015

|

issue 3 (12)

149-163

PL

Sytuacja polskich rodzin stała się współcześnie przedmiotem wielu żarliwych dyskusji, prowadzonych zarówno z perspektywy teoretycznej, jak i światopoglądowo-ideologicznej oraz praktyki życia społecznego. W tym kontekście warto zastanowić się, jak sytuację współczesnej rodziny widzą osoby mające potencjalnie największy wpływ na tworzenie formalnych, prawnych ram jej funkcjonowania. Akceptowana przez polityków pespektywa postrzegania trudności w funkcjonowaniu rodziny wiązać się będzie bowiem z propozycjami zmian w prawie, stanowiąc o kierunku i formie podejmowanych inicjatyw legislacyjnych istotnych dla tego obszaru społeczeństwa. W artykule przedstawiam wyniki badań własnych dotyczące problemów polskiej rodziny w oczach polityków partii najbardziej znaczących dla życia społecznego, współtworzących polski parlament w latach 2007-2010 i jednocześnie funkcjonujących do dnia dzisiejszego: PiS, PO, PSL i SLD. Chcąc uzupełnić ten obraz, porównuję je z problemami rodziny obecnymi w programach wyborczych wskazanych ugrupowań politycznych z 2011 roku.

EN

Nowadays situation of Polish families becomes a subject of many passionate discussions, conducted from the theoretical, ideological and philosophy of life perspective and from practice of social life. In this context it is worth considering how people with potentially the greatest impact on the creation of a formal, legal framework for functioning of Polish family see its contemporary situation. Politicians point of view on difficulties in existence of the polish family will be associated with propositions of revisions of the law, determining direction and form of legislative initiatives relevant to this area of society. In this article I present results of research on the contemporary problems of Polish family in the eyes of politicians from parties which have been most significant for social life, setting up the Polish parliament in 2007-2010, while functioning to this day: PiS, PO, PSL and SLD. To complement this image I also show family problems present in the election programs of this parties in 2011.

17

Czego nie mówią politycy, powie wam big data

63%

Dobrowolski M., Kalisz P.

Dyskurs & Dialog

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2020

|

vol. II

|

issue 3 (5)

55-78

EN

This article is a description of language analysis of Polish politicians on Twitter, considering political fractions with the use of machine learning algorithms.

PL

Artykuł ten jest opisem analizy języka, jakim posługują się politycy na Twitterze z podziałem na frakcje polityczne i wykorzystanie algorytmów uczenia maszynowego.

18

Sylwetki polityków na łamach „Zwierciadła” (1990–2019)

63%

Dąbrowska-Cendrowska O.

Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych

|

2023

|

issue 2(15)

141-162

EN

Zwierciadło is a women’s magazine that has been publishing on the Polish press market continuously since 1957. Its first editor-in-chief was Alina Rebane. After the political transformation, its periodicity has changed. The weekly was transformed into a monthly magazine belonging to the group of luxury women’s magazines. The main goal of the research was an attempt to characterize the ways of presenting the profiles of politicians in the pages of Zwierciadło in the years 1990–2019 To achieve this goal, the most important facts from the magazine’s history were presented, focusing on the years 1990–2019. Methods of content analysis (quantitative to show dominant trends and qualitative to answer the question of how politicians were written about) were used.

PL

„Zwierciadło” to magazyn kobiecy ukazujący się na polskim rynku prasowym nieprzerwanie od 1957 r. Jego pierwszą redaktorką naczelną była Alina Rebane. Po transformacji ustrojowej jego periodyczność uległa zmianie. Tygodnik przekształcono w miesięcznik należący do grupy luksusowych magazynów kobiecych. Celem głównym badań była próba charakterystyki sposobów prezentowania sylwetek polityków na łamach „Zwierciadła” w latach 1990‒2019. Aby zrealizować tak określony cel, przedstawiono najważniejsze fakty z historii funkcjonowania magazynu, koncentrując się na latach 1990‒2019. Posłużono się metodą analizy zawartości (ilościową, aby pokazać dominujące tendencje) oraz analizą treści (jakościową, aby odpowiedzieć na pytanie, w jaki sposób pisano o politykach).

19

Czy e-demokracja i rozwiązania znane ze świata biznesu są właściwymi kierunkami zmian politycznych w Polsce?

63%

Brzezicki Ł.

|

2021

|

vol. 12

|

issue 39

41-66

EN

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the article is to present selected problems of the democratic system in Poland and to propose directions of development improving its operation. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem was to check whether the implementation of modern organizational concepts and ICT solutions can contribute to a more efficient exercise of democratic power and increase its quality? The basic method was both the analysis of public opinion polls on various aspects of the Polish democracy system and a review of the literature on concepts and scientific theories related to the study of democratic systems. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The first part presents the results of public opinion surveys on democracy and its individual areas of operation. The second section presents concepts and scientific theories related to the study of democratic systems and its mechanisms. The third section presents selected problems of democracy in Poland and proposals for their changes based on the assumptions of concepts and theories discussed in the second part of the article. RESEARCH RESULTS: The crisis of confidence in the current model of democracy results from the mismatch between its form and development challenges. The implementation of both the concept of e-democracy proposed by the European Parliament and organizational solutions based on the assumptions of concepts and scientific theories related to the study of democratic systems should contribute to increase the effectiveness of democracy. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Despite the huge number of publications in the literature and press devoted to democracy, the main focus was either on the assessment of the current state of the system or its elements, or scientific theories related to a given area of democracy. Occasionally, ad hoc proposals for change were indicated, but in this case, they were mostly, without a deeper and broad view of the entire democratic system. This article overcomes the above limitations by combining the assessment of the current perception of democracy with scientific theory, which at the same time provides the basis for proposals for systemic solutions to improve the effectiveness of democracy.

PL

CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wybranych problemów systemu demokratycznego w Polsce oraz zaproponowanie kierunków rozwoju, poprawiających jego działanie. PROBLEM i METODY BADAWCZE: Problem badawczy dotyczył sprawdzenia czy wdrożenie założeń nowoczesnych koncepcji organizacyjnych i rozwiązań teleinformatycznych może przyczynić się do sprawniejszego sprawowania demokratycznej władzy, a także podwyższenia jej jakości? Podstawową metodą była zarówno analiza badań opinii publicznej o różnych aspektach polskiego systemu demokracji, jak i przegląd literatury przedmiotu dotyczącej koncepcji i teorii naukowych, związanych z badaniem systemów demokratycznych. PROCES WYWODU: W pierwszej części przedstawiono wyniki badań opinii publicznej o demokracji i jej poszczególnych obszarach działania. W drugiej części zaprezentowano koncepcje i teorie naukowe, związane z badaniem systemów demokratycznych i jego mechanizmów. Trzecia część przedstawia wybrane problemy demokracji w Polsce i propozycje ich zmian, opierających się na założeniach koncepcji i teorii omówionych w drugiej części artykułu. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Kryzys zaufania do obecnego modelu demokracji wynika z niedopasowania jej formy do wyzwań rozwojowych. Wdrożenie zarówno koncepcji e-demokracji proponowanej przez Parlament Europejski, jak i rozwiązań organizacyjnych opierających się na założeniach koncepcji i teorii naukowych, związanych z badaniem systemów demokratycznych, powinno przyczynić się do zwiększenia sprawności działania demokracji. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Pomimo ogromnej liczby publikacji w literaturze przedmiotu oraz prasie poświęconej demokracji, to przeważnie skupiano się albo na ocenie obecnego stanu systemu lub jego elementów, albo teoriach naukowych związanych z danym obszarem demokracji. Sporadycznie wskazywano ad hoc propozycje zmian, jednak i w tym przypadku miały one przeważnie charakter bieżącego reagowania na negatywne zjawiska, bez głębszego spojrzenia na cały system demokracji. W niniejszym artykule przezwyciężono powyższe ograniczenia poprzez połączenie oceny obecnego postrzegania demokracji z teorią naukową, które jednocześnie stanowią podstawy propozycji rozwiązań systemowych mających poprawić sprawność działania demokracji.

20

Macedończyk–Macedończycy w dokumentach dyplomatycznych Królestwa Serbii 1903–1914

51%

Dymarski M.

Slavica Wratislaviensia

|

2017

|

vol. 165

101-111

EN

The article discusses the problem of the words “Macedonian” and “Macedonians” appearing in in the diplomatic documents of the Kingdom of Serbia 1903–1914 and the context of their usage. It focuses on the question of Serbian diplomacy’s attitude towards the Macedonians: whether they were regarded as nation or apeople whose sense of identity was territorial rather than based on their ethnicity. The early documents indicate that the view of the Macedonians as anation took hold among Serbian politicians and diplomats. Following the coup of 1903 and the ensuing change of ruling dynasty, Serbian foreign policy changed as well. The plans for Serbian expansion into Macedonian lands result in mentions of the Macedonians becoming rarer. Before the outbreak of the first Balkan war, the partition of Macedonia between Serbia and Bulgaria was perceived as the main objective and consequently referring to the Macedonians was seen as being against Serbian national interests.

BA

Članak se bavi problemom prisutnosti ili konteksta korištenja reči: Makedonac, Makedonci usrpskim diplomatskim dokumentima od 1903. do 1914. godine. Razmatrani problemi učlanku se tiču toga da li je srpska diplomatija priznavala postojanje Makedonaca kao posebnog naroda ili ih je tretirala kao ljude koji imaju teritorijalni, ane etnički identitet. Prvi dokumenti prikazuju na to daje među srpskim diplomatama ipolitičarima postojalo ubeđenje da su Makedonci poseban narod. Posle državnog udara u Srbiji, 1903. godine ipromene vladajuće dinastije, počela je nova spoljna politika. Planovi oteritorijalnoj ekspanziji Srbije na makedonskoj teritoriji su prouzrokovali to da se podaci o Makedoncima pojavljuju sve ređe. Glavni problem pre početka Prvog balkanskog rata je predstavljala podela Makedonije između Srbije i Bugarske izato je pominjanje Makedonaca bilo protiv interesa srpskog naroda.

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