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EN
Despite the abundance of studies of Polish migration to the UK immediately before and in the aftermath of accession to the EU in 2004, one fundamental question has never been clearly answered: why did so many Poles move to the UK? We have sought to provide general explanations, rather than inquiring into the range of observed diversity. We begin by putting together statistical and other data from both ends of the flow in order to assess the scale of movement to and from the UK and to determine the reasons for what may well have been the largest voluntary migration between two countries. We used data from both countries and especially the recently published statistics from the 2011 UK census to present a detailed picture of the characteristics of those involved. Polish statistics suggest a more ‘elite’ flow to the UK than to other countries. The UK census pictures a maturing settled population, still tending to occupy relatively lower skilled jobs but showing evidence of upward social mobility. The movements are particularly a response to demographic and economic factors in Poland and to a widespread but to some extent hidden shortage of labour in some sectors in the UK. These factors combine with a set of political circumstances in both countries to produce an explanatory framework that may be summarised as ‘right people, right place, and right circumstances.’
EN
The article provides an overview of the dynamics of migration from Poland to Germany and the socio-demographic characteristics of Polish community. It begins with the history of migration processes between the two countries, with special focus on the most important periods (including post-accession migration). Next, the socio-demographic characteristics of the Polish community are analyzed, including its size, distribution, education and labour market situation. A comparison between the Polish community and the entire migrant community in Germany is conducted as well.
EN
The presence of an extensive number of Polish immigrants in Ireland has a short history, which began after Poland’s accession to the EU. Therefore, the organizations that have been set up since 2004 were to a high degree built up with no or little impact of the existing tradition of immigrant structures and institutions. This makes Ireland a specific laboratory for testing a new model of immigrants’ organization of the 21st century. The article aims to describe the development of Polish immigrant organizations in Ireland and to present their characteristics, including their goals, activities, the role of new media and technology, as well as the patterns of participation and communication. The detailed presentation of these characteristics and case studies serves the goal of answering the question: if and to what extent “young” Polish immigrant organizations in Ireland can be seen as the forerunners of a new model of immigrants’ organization of the 21st century.
EN
This paper draws on an anthropological perspective on social security to explore the complex ways in which Czech- and Slovak-speaking migrants living in Glasgow negotiated their healthcare concerns and built security in the city and beyond. It is based on 12 months of ethnographic research conducted in 2012 with migrants who moved to Glasgow after 2004. Inquiring into healthcare issues and the resulting insecurities from the migrants’ perspective and in their everyday lives, the paper demonstrates how these issues were largely informed by migrants’ experiences of ‘uncaring care’ in Glasgow, rather than due to their lack of knowledge or understanding of the Scottish/UK health system. Furthermore, the findings reveal how these migrants drew on multiple resources and forms of support and care – both locally and transnationally – in order to mitigate and overcome their health problems. At the same time, the analysis also highlights constraints and limitations to the actors’ care negotiations, thus going beyond a functional approach to social security, which tends to overlook instances of ‘unsuccessful’ or unrealised care arrangements. In conclusion, I propose that migrants’ care negotiations can be best understood as an ongoing process of exploring potentialities of care by actively and creatively opening up, probing, rearranging and trying out sources of support and care in their efforts to deal with perceived risks and insecurities in their everyday lives.
EN
The aim of this article is to provide an empirical test of the model of non-economic transfers by migrants such as values, attitudes, behaviours, lifestyles, transnational social networks, know-how, skills and knowledge. The first part of the article discusses the current state of Polish society, identifies the direction of social change in Poland since 1989 and analyses the mutual dependency between social change and migration. The second section offers the analytical model and describes how existing empirical data from official statistics and research reports as well as the author’s own research projects have been analysed. The crucial element of the model is the notion of ‘closure’, defined as any factor that makes the migrants’ non-economic transfers difficult or impossible. Within each of the three categories of closure – socio-economic, cultural and psycho-social – more specific barriers to non-economic transfers are tested, e.g., lack of cohesive policy towards return migrants, social narratives on migration or ‘homecomer syndrome’. The analysis leads to the conclusion that, however difficult the measurement of the impact of return migration on social change at this stage, return migrants’ transfers are accelerating the process of social change in Poland towards the model of well-developed, post-modern Western societies, whereas closures impede this process.
EN
The article looks at the origins and scale of migration of Poles to the Republic of Ireland and the characteristics of migrants in light of various statistical data. It outlines the characteristics of the Polish population in Ireland on the basis of 2016 census, taking into account the main directions of changes in relation to previous censuses. Polish immigrants, very few in Ireland before 2004, have since become the largest group of non-Irish nationals, stable in size and spread all over the country. Despite its size and multiple ties to Ireland such as the growing number of Polish-Irish citizens and the increasing share of homeowners, it is argued that the Polish community has limited visibility and impact on the Irish society and politics. The author also points out the housing crisis and Brexit-related risks as important challenges for the Polish community.
EN
The aim of the paper is to present the results of research into the dominant media discourses on post-accession migration within the context of the economic and socio-cultural situation of Polish University graduates. The first part of the article-based on an analysis of statistical data and recent studies-relates to the historical context of the educational boom in the late 1990s that led to the ‘devaluation of the degree diploma’, an increase in unemployment and increased numbers of tertiary-level educated Poles leaving Poland post 2004. The second part relates to the media debate on young migrants understood as a significant sphere (Jeffrey Alexander) in the construction of ‘common knowledge’ on migration and the ‘trigger’ transferring particular issues of migration into the ‘civic sphere’. This part is based on an extensive content analysis of migration representations as seen in four weekly magazines between 2004 and 2012 and a narrative analysis of two TV series: ‘Londyńczycy’ and ‘Wyjechani’. The media debate includes such issues as: young migrants’ careers abroad, cultural capital accumulation waste, family break-ups, and the effects of migration at a local and national level. The analysis reveals the interplay between media representations/narratives and popular academic conceptualizations of the effect of migration on young graduates: the ‘crowding out hypothesis’ (Okólski) and double-marginalization (Iglicka) which are a part of the ‘brain waste versus brain gain’ discourse. The analysis reveals the main mechanisms of media representations: idealization (American Dream pattern of migrants’ careers), dramatization leading to ‘moral panics’ (Euro-orphans, family break-ups) and negotiation with the dominant conceptualizations in the ‘civic sphere’ (‘U-shape’ migrants’ careers).
EN
The article looks at the selected issues related to the Polish community in the United Kingdom. As a result of the great wave of labour migration following Poland’s entry into the EU in 2004, approximately one milion Poles currently live and work in the UK. The author discusses demographics of the Polish community, migration patterns and reasons for this phenomenon, position in the labour market and brexit-related issues.
PL
Irlandia będąca krajem położonym w obrębie Wysp Brytyjskich, podobnie jak Wielka Brytania (wcześniej Anglia) na przestrzeni wieków nie cieszyła się zainteresowaniem emigrantów z Polski. Wynikało to z odrębności religijnych oraz znacznych odległości. Pierwsze większe grupy Polaków pojawiają się na wyspach w XIX wieku po przegranych powstaniach narodowych. Po II wojnie światowej w Anglii, Walii i Szkocji Polacy znaleźli drugą ojczyznę, gdzie zorganizowano wówczas Polski Rząd na Uchodźstwie oraz duszpasterstwo polskie i emigracyjne końca XIX wieku w Polskiej Misji Katolickiej. Po wojnie Polacy rzadko wyjeżdżali w poszukiwaniu pracy i osadnictwa na Zieloną Wyspę. Po otwarciu rynku pracy dla obywateli nowych państw Unii Europejskiej w 2004 roku Irlandia przyjęła największą liczbę pracowników krajów UE-8. Artykuł przedstawia charakterystykę kształtowania populacji Polaków w tym kraju na przestrzeni ostatniej dekady. Według danych pochodzących ze spisów powszechnych oraz badań naukowych w Irlandii przebywa obecnie około 120 tysięcy obywateli polskich.
EN
Ireland, a country located within the British Isles, same as Great Britain (formerly England) has not appreciated the interest of immigrants from Poland for centuries. It resulted due to religious differences and significant distances. The first large groups of Poles appeared on the islands in the 19th century after losing the national uprisings. Following the World War II in England, Wales and Scotland, the Poles created a second homeland where the Polish Government was established in Exile together with the Polish ministry and emigration of the late 19th century in the Polish Catholic Mission. At the end of World War II, the Poles seldom left for a job search and settlement on the Green Island. Following the opening of the labor market to the citizens of the new EU Member States in 2004, Ireland has adopted the largest quantity of workers EU-8. This article presents the characteristics of shaping the population of Poles in aforementioned country over the last decade. According to census and research data, Ireland currently has around 120.000 Polish citizens.
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