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State Capitalism in Poland

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EN
Theoretical background: The article is devoted to the knowledge gap in understanding processes of growing state interventionism in a number of post-communist countries, Poland being one of the most notable examples. This evolution is still understudied in the literature, both in terms of evidence and proper theoretical framework. Existing theoretical perspectives have been created for studying other types of economies an do not fully fit the transition ones. Among these perspectives, the state capitalism (SC) one seems to be the most promising.Purpose of the article: The task of this paper is to study the growing state interventionism in Poland using the state capitalism approach which had to be refined by the authors in order to be more applicable for analyzing transition economies. Using this framework, the history of SC formation and its present state in Poland are studied, including specific features of Polish state capitalism, e.g. the importance of the state-owned enterprise (SOE) sector as the source of rents, as well as the varieties of the state control over the enterprise sector.Research methods: The article makes use of mostly qualitative methods, quantitative ones playing an auxiliary role by systematizing evidence used in qualitative research. The study was based on analysis of the existing literature and evidence of interventionist practices of the Polish government. The authors attempted to fine-tune the SC approach both through refining its definition and including areas previously mostly neglected by SC studies such as relationships between the state and the enterprise sector. They created a typology of SC phenomena in transition economies which made it possible to study the Polish case in a comprehensive way.Main findings: At this stage, the authors think that no strict definition of state capitalism is possible because of its highly contextual character. Thus, the outcome of the study may not be universal, but the authors believe that their concept of six basic features of state capitalism may be applicable not only to Poland, but to other transition economies as well. Besides, the article raises awareness of the importance of state-controlled enterprises in studies on state capitalism. The article also identifies challenges for further research and the still existing knowledge gaps. Among others, the questions remain, whether the statist trends in Poland and other countries lead to a system change and what are the roots of these trends.
EN
This paper builds on the work of Słomczyn´ski and Janicka (2005) and examines changes in the social structure in Poland, and the role of social classes on public opinion formation. The main hypothesis is that the divide between winners and losers crystallizes over time, as the social distance that separates these categories solidifies, and their reaction to economic and political transformation becomes increasingly divergent. Using data from the Polish panel survey POLPAN, conducted in 1988, 1993, 1998 and 2003, we find that the main changes in the class structure in Poland occurred between 1988 and 1993. Following 1993, the patterns of the post-communist social structure start to settle, becoming, by 2003, typical of a capitalist society. Results further show substantial and significant differences between the privileged and the disadvantaged in evaluation of socialism, as well as in their subjective assessment of changes in life, and active and passive support for the institution of elections.
EN
The article is devoted to the evolution of ownership policy of the Polish state in the course of the post-communist transition. The author argues that this policy is characterized by growing fiscalization i.e., treating public property mainly from a short-term fiscal perspective: as a source of finance for the current government’s policies. It manifests itself in resignation from privatization as a strategic tool of economic transition and from state owner’s policy as a tool for overcoming imperfections of market mechanisms. The observed trends pose serious threat both at macro and micro levels, e.g. to the coherence and efficacy of the economic policy of the state and to competitiveness and development prospects of the state-controlled companies. This policy evolution has a long-term character and is to a large extent independent from official rhetoric of subsequent governments and ruling coalitions.
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony ewolucji polityki własnościowej państwa polskiego w toku transformacji postkomunistycznej. Autor stara się udowodnić tezę, że charakteryzuje się ona rosnącą fiskalizacją, czyli traktowaniem własności państwowej, głównie z krótkookresowej perspektywy fiskalnej, jako źródła finansowania bieżącej polityki państwa. Przejawia się to w rezygnacji z prywatyzacji jako strategicznego narzędzia transformacji gospodarczej i z polityki właścicielskiej jako narzędzia do przezwyciężenia niedoskonałości mechanizmów rynkowych. Zaobserwowane trendy stwarzają poważne zagrożenia na szczeblu tak mikro, jak i makro, m.in. dla spójności i skuteczności polityki gospodarczej oraz konkurencyjności i perspektyw rozwojowych spółek kontrolowanych przez Skarb Państwa. Zaobserwowana ewolucja polityki własnościowej ma długoterminowy charakter i tylko w niewielkim stopniu zależy od oficjalnej retoryki kolejnych rządów i koalicji rządzących.
EN
While there is a wealth of studies on selected aspects of economic and political transitions from communism, there are few, if any, analyses of the emergence of new political orders in terms of constitutional engineering, i.e. the adoption of the meta-rules governing the rules defining both the political structure and determining underpinnings of the ordinary law-making process. The paper begins with the review of menu of institutional choices related to type of government, electoral system and vertical organisation of the state and their impact on performance as reported in political science and constitutional political economy literature. It is posited that the binary outcome: democracy vs. autocracy is a function of two variables assuming two values: society (weak vs. autonomous sovereign citizen) and communist establishment (strong vs. weak). A strong communist state at the initial state of transition produces autocratic outcomes although proximity to Brussels may change political trajectory whereas a strong autonomous society generates trajectory leading to democracy. Surprisingly, the choice of the rules of political game bore little resemblance to what literature might suggest: ordinary political struggle has determinedthe choice of institutions with constitutions as a legal act being the result rather than a product of conscientious intellectual design. JEL: A10; A12; B25; P10; P20; P21; P30
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu są pokomunistyczne przemiany ustrojowe rozpatrywane w perspektywie politologii i ekonomii politycznej konstytucjonalizmu. Pierwsza część dotyczy występujących w literaturze założeń teoretycznych oraz hipotez empirycznych. Nacisk położono na wybór typu rządów, rodzaju ordynacji wyborczej i organizacji pionowej państwa. Część druga proponuje model teoretyczny służący wyjaśnieniu dróg przemian ustrojowych i ich skutków. Zawiera on czynniki wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne. Wśród pierwszych główną rolę odgrywa stopień zdominowania społeczeństwa przez komunistyczne monopaństwo: im jest większy, tym wyższe prawdopodobieństwo ustroju autorytarnego. Czynnik zewnętrzny to położenie kraju w stosunku do Zachodu (Bruksela) lub Wschodu (Moskwa): bliskość Moskwy podnosi prawdopodobieństwo opcji autorytarnej. Analiza strategii przemian ustrojowych skupia się na wyborze typu rządów oraz ordynacji wyborczej. Efekty transformacji mierzone są za pomocą zagregowanego indeksu ustroju politycznego. Uzyskane rezultaty odbiegają od przewidywanych na podstawie teorii przedstawionej w pierwszej części artykułu. JEL: A10; A12; B25; P10; P20; P21; P30
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