The main statement of the paper is that the post-truth is expanding at an unprecedented rate, continuously forcing itself into new areas of public life and permeating millions of minds. This phenomenon has not so far been satisfactorily explained by researchers of global-range social phenomena. The paper presents various definitions of post-truth and its interpretations. The argument revolves around what truth means and what it is threatened by, as well as the most important institution that is, by definition, concerned about the truth: the university. The article outlines the functions of the university and contemporary conditions of its functioning, including the threats to the preservation of its mission and axiological foundation: striving towards the truth. The idea of the university, created in Europe at the beginning of the second millennium, has shown to be strong and durable. It has adopted various organisational forms, depending on the period and region. The secret of the universities’ persistence and meaning cannot be considered apart from the history of the European civilisation. However, the phenomenon of post-truth expansion is the most serious threat to this institution. The expansion of post-truth also leads to changes in the quality of the public life, bringing about its degeneration, with considerable contributions of the numerous pathologies of the Internet, distribution of lies and surprisingly quickly growing acceptance of this phenomenon.
Post-truth was acknowledged as the word of 2016 by the editors of the Oxford Dictionaries. Several months ago it was a fashionable term used by intellectuals and scholars in the social sciences to offer a better or worse description of the reality of the Western world and the quite unexpected collapse of its order. Today, post-truth is successfully employed in everyday speech by columnists, journalists and even satirists. Given this rapid popularity of post-truth, it is worth asking the question of whether a new term is required to complement the conceptual apparatus of political science, and if such a term can make any contribution to studies into the political reality, particularly when such events as Brexit or the election of Donald Trump as the 45th US President are taken into account. The purpose of this paper is therefore to answer the question of the extent to which post-truth is conceptually autonomous. Another question concerns the dissemination of false information and the participation of new media in this process.
PL
Termin postprawda uznany przez redaktorów Oxford Dictionaries za słowo 2016 roku, jeszcze kilka miesięcy temu stanowił modny w kręgach intelektualistów i przedstawicieli nauk społecznych termin lepiej lub gorzej opisujący rzeczywistość załamującego się dość niespodziewanie ładu zachodniego świata. Dziś z powodzeniem wchodzi on do języka potocznego będąc chętnie stosowanym przez publicystów, dziennikarzy, a nawet satyryków. W obliczu tak gwałtownego wzrostu popularności postprawdy, warto zadać pytanie czy politolog w swoim aparacie pojęciowym potrzebuje nowego terminu i czy może wnieść on coś do badań nad rzeczywistością polityczną, szczególnie biorąc pod uwagę wydarzenia takie jak Brexit czy wybór Donalda Trumpa na 45. Prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych. Celem artykułu jest więc odpowiedź na pytanie: na ile postprawda tworzy pewną pojęciową autonomię? Drugim natomiast, jest pytanie o dystrybucję treści niezgodnych z prawdą i udział w tym procederze nowych mediów.
The aim of this article is to discuss the idea of fictional texts, which were published in the printed press in XVIII and XIX century. The author presents the famous fake news, hoaxes, puffs, and canards and analyzes how these forms were perceived by the press commentators of that time (such as Richard Steele, Joseph Addison, Jonathan Swift, Edgar Allan Poe, Gerard de Nerval, Honore de Balzac, Bruno Kicinski). In the press of the Enlightenment era, which was dominated by essay writing, fictional articles were usually created for satirical purposes and they were used to highlight various human flaws. The development of mass press in the nineteenth century contributed to the fact that publications based on false news were used by journalists for a different purpose. These texts were primarily treated as a tool to gain the reader's attention in order to expand the group of regular subscribers. In the press of the first half of the XIX century, fictitious articles were associated with a romantic appreciation of the imagination. In the history of the media fake news, hoaxes, and canards also served as entertainment. They aroused curiosity, attracted the attention of readers, and they allowed journalists to fill empty columns of periodicals during a period of severe censorship. The research focuses on three countries: England, France and Poland. The comparative perspective shows the differences and similarities in the approach to the problem of fictional texts presented by writers and journalists creating their texts in different languages.
Our truth culture has changed. Yet we are not living in a post-truth era but in a truth era – an observation of the ongoing debates shows a proliferation of invocations of truth. This paper argues that in order to grasp this transition, we should not refer to classical truth theories or common oppositions such as knowledge and belief, objectivity and subjectivity. Instead, we should focus on concrete practices in concrete situations: on “doing truth.” This paper introduces the concept of a “praxeology of truth,” which sets out to analyse truth by means of two parameters: “truth scenes” and “truth figures.” In suggesting that to ask about truth is to pose the question of power, it follows Michel Foucault, but it regards the invocation of truth as a technique of identity politics and truth as a social operator.
This article is devoted to the attitude to truth as a part of political epistemology and of political culture in post-Soviet Russia. It considers the extent to which the Great Terror contributed to the development of a specific political epistemology, which is also largely characteristic of later periods of Soviet history and perhaps even of today. Of particular interest is the population’s perception of the terror as inaccessible or poorly accessible to logical understanding. As main sources, the article relies on two literary texts: Lydia Chukovskaya’s Sofia Petrovna and Veniamin Kaverin’s The Open Book. Despite all the apparent differences between the Soviet system and today’s Russia, one important similarity is striking: over the last two decades (after 1999) there has been a visible increase in the belief that it is impossible for a political subject to separate truth from lying and that the sphere of public administration and political interests is, by definition, a place where deception prevails. This article discusses the potential historical roots of this certainty.
The aim of the article is to show relationships and links between post-truth and mythical thinking and their mutual influence. Understanding these relationships is needed for an in-depth reflection on the increasingly common and important phenomenon shaping the public debate. The development of new media contributes to the development of post-truth, which changes the nature of interpersonal relations. Communication based on trust and certain accepted principles in the perception of the world is undergoing significant changes. It is not possible to say what is true or whether any truth is certain and constant. This epistemological fluidity leads to a situation of chaos and the suspension of the possibility of agreement between individuals, groups and communities. Breaking society into groups focused around its truths antagonizes social relations. The importance of this issue forces the study of its relationships with other forms of organizing the experience. One of them is mythical thinking. As the basic way of thinking about the world, it influences the social and individual vision of reality. In the text, I use my own definition of post-truth, presenting a deeper analysis of the phenomenon and its consequences for social life in the context of the mitogenic potential of this cognitive process.
While the search for the essence of truth has its ancient record, the concept of post-truth is the most modern one. The concept of post-truth means situations in which facts have less influence on shaping public opinion than emotions and personal beliefs. New media, in particular social media and digital society, are an important medium nolens volens shaping reality. The existence of the notion of post-truth in the discourse, above all politicians, political scientists and media people, is beyond doubt. However, the very nature of this phenomenon is seen differently. When I started writing the text, I asked myself the following research questions: What are the features that define post-policy? To what extent does the concept of truth refer to a new phenomenon, and to what extent is it a new term for the phenomenon that has always accompanied politics and elections? What is the specificity of new media and the digital generation? Do they play the role of determinants or are they just a medium for shaping the post-truth process? Are modern elections digital or more information warfare? Looking for answers to these research questions, I will examine two cases of campaigns: the British Brexit campaign and the American presidential campaign Clinton-Trump. The text also undertakes an analysis of the post-truth phenomenon in the information war that has been taking place in eastern Ukraine since 2014.
This paper makes the attempt to highlight the role played in contemporary education by the notion of post-truth and the influence played in that matter by anti-intellectual tendencies. This issue seems to be imperious in the face of transformation tendencies of the schooling systems and the influence exerted by the world of politics in that context. This text reconstructs the most important aspects of the anti-intellectual stance, treating it as a specific phenomenon of a cultural nature. Furthermore, the emerging issue of post-education is addressed as it accompanies the anti-intellectual tendencies and strengthens their impact on the schooling level. Both issues are in a clear cause-and-effect relation to the phenomenon of post-truth.
The author reflects on historical narrative as a tool, sprung from human ontogenesis, for the foundation of social identity and contemporary as well as historical self-awareness of any human community - a tool useful, but also open to abuse. The author discusses a situation in which the existing narratives are either rejected, without being subject to analytical criticism, or in which civically/societally relevant narratives are absent. A special problem arises as a result of the most current situation in which the "posttruth" narratives politically compete with those which are created by critical historiography.
DE
Die methodologischen Diskussionen im Zuge der "linguistischen Wende" und die vorubergehende Begeisterung fur die Historiographie als "soziale Wissenschaft" haben die traditionelle Grundfigur der historiographischen Arbeit seit der Antike, also die erklarende, argumentative Erzahlung, infrage gestellt. Der Verfasser argumentiert, dass die narrative Form der Erfassung und Erklarung aktueller und desto mehr historischer Situationen eine der menschlichen Gesellschaft inharente erprobte Art des Selbst-Verstehens ist. Die narrative Zusammenfassung der historischen Erfahrung bildet die Basis der historischen Identitat jeder Kommunitat und sie hilft ihr, sowohl ihre Identitat aufzubauen als auch sich mit katastrophenartigen Situationen auseinanderzusetzen. Die grosen "Meistererzahlungen" haben allerdings oft auch negative (nationalistische, aggressive, antiemanzipatorische usw.) Zuge. Wenn diese legitimistischen, imperialen, rassistischen usw. Meistererzahlungen nicht kritisch dekonstruiert, sondern nur negiert bzw. ignoriert werden, mutieren sie zu noch schlimmeren Gebilden. In der heutigen Zeit der medialen "Postwahrheit" entstehen so - spontan oder zweckmasig - den gesellschaftlichen Konsens gefahrdende "Neo-Narrative". Der ausgebliebene kritisch-argumentative Dekonstruktionsprozess beschadigt die Gesellschaft im Grunde ebenso intensiv wie die abgelehnten Narrative selbst. Der Verfasser demonstriert dies am Beispiel der in der offentlichen Diskussion nicht kritisch hinterfragten oder gar uberwundenen Narrative und Paradigmata der kommunistischen Epoche in der Tschechoslowakei. Er schliest seinen Text mit der - sich auf die Konzeption von Konrad H. Jarausch stutzenden - Uberzeugung, dass die fur die Burgergesellschaft einzig produktive Losung darin besteht, die "ausgedienten", in einer offenen Diskussion dekonstruierten Narrative durch eine neue Generation pluraler, interdependenter oder multiperspektivischer, sich konkurrierender, quellenkritisch untermauerter historischer Erzahlungen zu ersetzen.
Michel Foucault defined parrhesia as “the free courage by which one binds oneself in the act of telling the truth.” Could telling objective untruth also be a parrhesiastic act, insofar as it requires courage and initiates subjectivation? Climate deniers, anti-vaccinationists and other groups that delegitimize the authority of science present themselves as courageously standing up against the dominant discourse, as rebellious subjects who speak the inconvenient and unaccepted truths. It is not difficult to prove that their truths are untruths, but it remains problematic to distinguish true courage from its simulacra. This article argues that Foucault’s investigations of truth, subjectivity, and power become of great use in the face of today’s confusion. The phenomenon of post-truth cannot be explained simply as the product of postmodern relativism. The will-to-truth, along with the will to constitute oneself as a truth-telling subject, persists, requiring critical analysis more than ever. What may prove politically efficient is to engage in the kind of critique that would account for actual power relations and unmask false courage rather than debunk specific concepts or ideas.
Understanding the relationship between experts and laypeople is crucial for understanding today’s world of post-truth and the contemporary crisis of liberal democracy. The emergence of post-truth has been linked to various phenomena such as a flawed social and mass media ecosystem, poor citizen education, and the manipulation tactics of powerful interest groups. The paper argues that the problem is, however, more profound. The underlying issue is laypeople’s inevitable epistemic dependence on experts. The latter is part and parcel of the “risk society” in which people question the scientific consensus and thus are able to manipulate the facts. It is a powerful weapon in the hands of illiberal democrats, though liberal democrats can make no use of it. The latter downplay the problem of citizens’ epistemic deficits and of the epistemic asymmetries between them. The third and fourth generations of deliberative democrats are a perfect example. The paper argues that the concepts of interactional expertise and epistemic dependence explain why understanding between experts and laypeople is impossible. The said phenomena undermine liberalism’s unrealistic assumptions concerning citizens’ decision-making competence.
This article focuses on the category of post-truth and its doubtful significance for political research in general and particularly for political theory. In the paper, numerous definitional and theoretical objections toward the concept of post-truth were presented, as well as it was attempted to point out that it is based on colloquial reasoning and does not fulfil scientific criteria, which disqualify posttruth from the catalogue of scientific categories. These considerations were embedded in wide theoretical context and congruent conclusions were formulated for enhancement of polish political theory.
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest kategorii post- -prawdy i jej wątpliwemu znaczeniu dla badań politologicznych w ogóle i dla teorii polityki w szczególności. W tekście przedstawiono liczne zastrzeżenia pod adresem koncepcji post-prawdy, przede wszystkim definicyjne i teoretyczne, jak również starano się wykazać, iż koncept post- -prawdy opiera się na rozumowaniu potocznym i nie spełnia kryteriów naukowości, co wyklucza post-prawdę z katalogu kategorii naukowych. Rozważania osadzono w szerszym kontekście teoriopolitycznym i właśnie na potrzeby teorii polityki wyprowadzono odpowiednie wnioski.
Artykuł stanowi wprowadzenie do zagadnienia krytycznej analizy przekazów medialnych w czasach tzw. postprawdy. W części pierwszej znajdziemy uporządkowane informacje na temat fake newsów oraz ich rozróżnienie na ich dwa główne typy: dezinformacje i tzw. mylne informacje. W rozdziale poświęconym postprawdzie, oprócz definicji zjawiska, Autorka koncentruje się na opisaniu współczesnego kontekstu medialnego. Znajdziemy tu odwołanie do pracy Jeana Baudrillard i jego teorii zastępowania prawdy jej symulacją. Artykuł zamykają rekomendacje dla użytkowników mediów, którzy chcą doskonalić swoje kompetencje w zakresie krytycznej analizy przekazów medialnych.
EN
The article is an introduction to the critical analysis of media messages in the times of post-truth politics. In the first part we can find basic informations about fake news, and their distinction into their two main types: disinformation and misinformation. In the next chapter, the Author focuses on describing the contemporary media context. We find here a reference to the work of Jean Baudrillard and his theory of replacing the truth with its simulation. The article closes recommendations for media users who want to develop their media competences.
The author of the text attempts to explain the meaning of the postmodern era and the post-truth era for the processes of political communication. Important factors that make up the background of the undertaken research are: the anticartesian attitude, the negation of classical metaphysics, and consequently the lack of reference to good, truth and beauty as classical transcendentals enabling the understanding of the world; message based on emotions; marginalization of values and facts; post-Fordism attitude; dominance of the consumption paradigm. The author attempts to verify how the determinants of the postmodern era and the post-truth era are present in the public discourse of political leaders, and therefore tries to answer the question whether and to what extent the symptoms of the modern era find their place in the processes of political communication. The undertaken research is based on the pre-election political debate that took place in the Polish Television studio, 20/10/2015 before the parliamentary elections in Poland.
In this paper I deal with two key concepts of a modern political theory, i.e. truth and public interest, and examine relationships between them. This subject seems particularly important in the context of the observed crisis of the liberal democracy and the spread of misinformation and fake news. I argue that there is a need to create a public system of protection designed to defend the logical status of those statements which have a value for the society. By using the notion of public interest as a tool for analysis, I demonstrate how such a system might be structured. I suggest employing existing public institutions to construct a system of public protection of the truth, yet supplemented by a coordinating body based on the ombudsman model.
This article introduces the principles of the mechanism of the scapegoat in its historical conditions and the new reality related to the appearance of the post-truth phenomenon. Differences between these realities have been presented in the context of issues related to the cognition and selection of data occurring within the framework of new media. On the basis of these considerations, a diagnosis of the political usefulness of the present mechanism and prospects for future development is formulated.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł przybliża zasady funkcjonowania mechanizmu kozła ofiarnego w jego uwarunkowaniach historycznych oraz nowej rzeczywistości związanej z pojawieniem się zjawiska post-prawdy. Różnice pomiędzy tymi realiami zostały zaprezentowane na tle zagadnień związanych z poznaniem i selekcją danych zachodzącymi w ramach nowych mediów. Na podstawie tych rozważań zostaje sformułowana diagnoza przydatności politycznej wspomnianego mechanizmu obecnie oraz perspektyw rozwoju w przyszłość.
The article attempts to answer the question about the scope of post-truth phenomenon in the process of creating an atmosphere of moral panic – increased social unrest and the accompanying inadequate response of the media. The critical analysis of the media discourse on the analyses social issues allows to state that with the expansion of new technologies and the way of communicating, the frequency of creating false information increases, the specificity of the phenomenon of raising social anxiety and the creation of non-matching visions of reality is changing.
PL
W artykule została podjęta próba odpowiedzi na pytanie o zakres udziału zjawiska post-prawdy w procesie kreowania atmosfery paniki moralnej, czyli podwyższonego niepokoju społecznego i towarzyszącej mu nieadekwatnej reakcji mediów. Krytyczna analiza dyskursu medialnego dotyczącego analizowanych problemów społecznych pozwala stwierdzić, że wraz z rozwojem nowych technologii i sposobów komunikowania, zmienia się specyfika zjawiska wzbudzania społecznego niepokoju oraz tworzenia nieprzystających do siebie wizji rzeczywistości.
The aim of the article is to present Donald Trump’s climate denialism as an example of political post-truth, where the facts are of less importance than referring to emotions and personal convictions. Trump’s convictions on ‘global warming’, particularly in their media popularization, played a key role in the production and distribution of political discourse by the former American president and the way he expressed his power. The research perspective is essentially developed on the basis of critical discourse analysis.
PL
Celem artykułu jest próba ukazania antyklimatycznej retoryki Donalda Trumpa jako postprawdy politycznej, dla której fakty w kształtowaniu opinii społecznej posiadają mniejsze znaczenie niż odwoływanie się do emocji i osobistych przekonań. Poglądy Trumpa na temat „globalnego ocieplenia”, funkcjonujące szczególnie w ich medialnej popularyzacji, mają istotny związek zachodzący między produkcją i dystrybucją dyskursu politycznego amerykańskiego prezydenta a sposobem sprawowania przez niego władzy. Podstawą podjętych rozważań była wypracowana na gruncie krytycznej analizy dyskursu perspektywa badawcza.
Cel: przedstawienie wiadomości typu fake news jako bariery w komunikacji, świadomości ich istnienia oraz postrzegania z punktu widzenia użytkowników indywidualnych. Na bazie przeglądu literatury dotyczącej zjawiska fake news wskazano aspekty związane z funkcjonowaniem tego typu wiadomości w przestrzeni informacyjnej. Zaprezentowano wyniki badań wpływu wiadomości typu fake news na proces przekazywania informacji oraz opinie użytkowników – odbiorców informacji. Przedstawione wyniki zostały poddane dyskusji oraz podsumowane w postaci syntetycznych wniosków. Nakreślono także kierunki przyszłych badań związanych z tą tematyką. Metodologia: korzystając z wcześniejszych własnych doświadczeń, wynikających z przeprowadzonych badań ankietowych grup studenckich kwestionariusze rozprowadzono metodą CAWI. Przyjęte podejście składało się z następujących etapów: uzasadnienie sposobu wyboru testowej i docelowej próby badawczej oraz powiadomienie respondentów o możliwości wypełnienia ankiety; skonstruowanie prototypu ankiety na temat miejsca fake news oraz ich roli w procesie komunikacji; weryfikacja merytoryczna pytań ankietowych na losowo wybranej testowej grupie studentów; skonstruowanie ostatecznej postaci ankiety ilościowo-jakościowej, przetestowanie jej oraz umieszczenie na serwerach Wydziału Zarządzania Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego; przeprowadzenie ankiet wśród wylosowanych grup studenckich oraz analiza i dyskusja wyników; wyciągnięcie wniosków z uzyskanych wyników. Sposób wyboru próby testowej był wyborem losowym – wybrano pierwsze 20 osób z odpowiadających na prośbę o weryfikację ankiety badawczej. Po jej zmianach, wylosowano wśród wszystkich grup studenckich konkretne grupy zajęciowe do przeprowadzenia ankiety w postaci docelowej. Tak więc sam wybór próby należał do grupy celowych, determinowanych częściowo losowym wyborem grupy pilotowej i grup laboratoryjnych. Badanie miało charakter pilotażowy i będzie powtarzane w celu potwierdzenia otrzymanych rezultatów oraz doprecyzowania wniosków. Wyniki: na podstawie przeprowadzonej ankiety przedstawiono zjawisko fake newsów w ocenie odbiorów informacji w kontekście bariery jaką stanowi ono w procesie jej przekazywania. Wyniki zostały zaprezentowane w następujących zakresach: cechy fake newsów; oddziaływanie fake newsów; ocena odbieranych wiadomości pod kątem fake newsów; reakcja odbiorców na fake newsy; publikowanie fake newsów. Każdy z zakresów został w treści opracowania omówiony. Opracowanie zostało podsumowane sformułowaniem wniosków końcowych oraz nakreśleniem kierunków dalszych badań w przedmiotowym zakresie. Ograniczenia/implikacje badawcze: ograniczeniem niniejszego badania jest fakt, że przy doborze próby zastosowano wariant wygodny, studenci byli wybierani do badania losowo z poszczególnych grup, należeli do grupy ludzi młodych. Miało ono jednak charakter celowy, ponieważ prawie wszyscy uczestnicy badania (98%) należeli do grupy wiekowej 18–30 lat, czyli doświadczonej i aktywnej grupy użytkowników Internetu w Polsce. Ograniczeniem badania wynikającym z wybranej próby było także, iż respondenci byli mało zróżnicowani pod względem społecznym zawodowym oraz ekonomicznym. Uzyskanych w rezultacie niniejszych badań wyników nie można więc uogólnić na większą populację. W związku z tym kolejne badania zostaną rozszerzone na inne grupy wiekowe, zawodowe i społeczne. Podjęta zostanie także próba przeprowadzenia badania w innych lokalizacjach geograficznych w oparciu o współpracę z zaprzyjaźnionymi ośrodkami akademickimi. Oryginalność/wartość: zaprezentowany materiał charakteryzuje się dużą wartością poznawczą. Zawiera wyniki autorskiego badania – prezentuje treści nowe, dotychczas niepublikowane w literaturze przedmiotu. Wzbogaca on literaturę przedmiotu w zakresie prezentacji zjawiska fake-news jako bariery występującej w procesie komunikacji oraz powodującej zakłócenia w procesie jej przekazywania. Przedstawione wyniku mogą stanowić także bazę wyjściową do dalszych badań – również przez innych autorów oraz stworzyć płaszczyznę do szerszej dyskusji o zjawisku fake news
EN
Purpose: The main purpose of this study is to present fake news as a barrier to communication, awareness of its existence and perception from the point of view of individual users. On the basis of a literature review concerning the phenomenon of fake news, the aspects connected with the functioning of this type of news in the information space were indicated. The results of the research on the influence of fake news on the process of information transfer and the opinions of users – information recipients – are presented. The results are discussed and summarized in the form of synthetic conclusions. The directions of future research related to this topic are also outlined. Design/methodology/approach: Based on the author’s previous experience related to surveying selected student groups, in order to achieve the adopted research goal, the survey questionnaires were distributed using the CAWI (Computer Associated Web Interview) method. The adopted approach consisted of the following stages: justification of the method of selecting the sample for pilot and main research and informing respondents about the possibility of completing the survey; constructing a prototype of a survey concerning the place and role of fake news in the communication process; substantive verification of survey questions on a randomly selected pilot sample of students; preparing the final form of a quantitative and qualitative survey, testing it and placing it on the servers of the Faculty of Management at the University of Warsaw; conducting surveys among randomly selected student groups as well as the analysis and discussion of the results; drawing conclusions from the obtained results. The method of selecting the test sample was random selection – the first 20 people were selected from those responding to the request for verification of the research survey. After revisions of the test sample, specific class groups were randomly selected from among all student groups to administer the survey in its targeted form. The sample selection itself was one of purposive sampling, determined in part by the random selection of pilot and lab groups. The survey was a pilot study and will be repeated to confirm the results obtained and to refine the conclusions. Findings: On the basis of the survey, the phenomenon of fake news is presented as assessed by the recipients of information in the context of the barrier it poses in the process of its transmission. The results are presented in the following scopes: fake news features; the impact of fake news; the perception of received messages as potentially fake news; recipients’ reaction to fake news; publishing or posting fake news. Each of the above areas is discussed in the body of the paper. The study is summed up by formulating conclusions and outlining directions for further research in this area. Research limitations/implications: A limitation of this study is the fact that the sample selection used a convenient variant; the students were randomly selected for the study from particular groups and belonged to a group of young people. This limitation, however, was intentional, because almost all participants of the study (98%) belonged to the age group of 18–30 years, which is an experienced and active group of internet users in Poland. Another limitation of the study resulting from the sample selected was that the respondents were not diversified socially, professionally or economically. The results of this study cannot be generalized to a larger population. Therefore, further research will be extended to other age, professional and social groups. An attempt will also be made to conduct a study in other geographical locations based on cooperation with friendly academic centers. Originality/value: The presented material is of high cognitive value. It contains the results of the author’s own research – it presents new content, not previously published in the literature on the subject in question. It enriches the literature in that it presents fake news as a barrier occurring in the process of communication and causing disturbances in the process of its transmission. The presented results may also constitute a basis for further research – also by other authors – as well as create a platform for a broader discussion on the phenomenon of fake news.
W pracy zaprezentowano dwa nurty dyskusji na temat postprawdy. Pierwszy konserwatywno-krytyczny, zasadzający się na konieczności odrzucenia tego pojęcia jako nienaukowego i szkodliwego. W tym kontekście uznano bowiem, iż termin ten jest sprzeczny z dorobkiem filozofii, logiki klasycznej i nauki społecznej Kościoła katolickiego. Drugi z kolei nurt–liberalno-kontraktualistyczny – poszukuje uzasadnienia dla zjawiska postprawdy w logice nieklasycznej, trójwartościowej i rozmytej.
EN
The work presents two trends of discussion on post-truth. The first is conservatively critical, based on the necessity of rejecting this concept as unscientific and harmful. In this context, it was recognized that this term contradicts the achievements of philosophy, classical logic and the social teaching of the Catholic Church. The second in the current – liberal – countercurrent – seeks to justify the phenomenon of post-truth in non-classical, trivalent and fuzzy logic.
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.