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EN
This article discusses the features of the European Union, established on the basis of longterm development and transformation in 1992. Using methods of legal and politological analysis, the author comes to conclusions. The EU is a special territorial public legal form. The EU has limited nonsovereign public power that has its origins from the Member States as a result of their transfer to EU some sovereign rights and State power (actually it is done primarily by seven major institutions EU bodies). The EU has a special publiclegal form. The EU is not the Federation and not a Confederation. From the standpoint of public territorial structure the form of the EU could be described as a regional international statesimilar nonsovereign public legal entity.
RU
Согласно сложившейся в течение нескольких лет традиции, представленный том «Политологических исследований» посвящен проблематике форм государственного правления в странах Восточной Европы, авторами текстов являются выдающиеся исследователи данного региона. Проблематика государственного строя вызывает неизменный интерес конституционалистов, теоретиков государства и права, политологов. На это есть свои причины. Форма правления в государстве обуславливает всякого рода правовые, политические, общественные и экономические отношения, существующие на его территории и, как таковая, требует ее изучения.
EN
Article raises questions about the criteria of democracy, dispelling commonplace, colloquial, but the media supporting, illusions related to the assessment of what democracy is, what democratic is and what a democracy is not, and as democracy must not be considered. Here are stripped simplistic, dichotomous divisions: the democratic-undemocratic. Democracy, democratic criteria are syndromatic. Similarly incorrect assertions are identifying, by way of implication, democracy with a democratic influence, pressure. Democratic system, its standards, procedures, institutions are often only a curtain ... for undemocratic, or even anti-democratic forms pressure of political actors. Here, under the banner of ‘democracy’, ‘will of the people’, ‘public interest’, etc., democracy can be ... disassembled.
EN
The article is focused on the critical analysis of deliberative democracy. The fundamental question is: whether deliberation can be a real remedy to the crisis of representative democracy and its growing problems with legitimacy of power? Strictly defined deliberations can become its own caricature and lead, paradoxically, to undemocratic effects: exclusion and domination.
EN
Article aims at show the role, meaning and function of laugh, humour in a democratic system. The author clarifies functions of laugh for the democratic system, its institutions and politicians. Comic is treated here as a powerful tool for shaping politics.: legitimacy of power, the creation of political communities, discrediting rivals etc. Skilful management the sphere of laugh is considered as one of the foundations effectiveness of politicians.
EN
Article raises the problem of using the mechanism syndrome besieged fortress in systems of liberal democracy. Siege syndrome is treated here as an important factor in changing the system of liberal democracy: its values, norms, institutions, functioning power, elite, leaders. On the other hand syndrome of the siege is an important instrument of management, control society, organizing political scene, to discredit opponents. Its convenience, universal and high efficiency, at low expenditure of energy.
EN
The causes and consequences of the political conflict model formation of relations between the government and the parliamentary opposition in Slovakia in the 90th years of the twentieth century have been analyzed in the article. Internal and external factors that influenced this formation were elucidated. The forms of political opposition institutionalization, the potential and the effectiveness of coalition politic were substantiated. The contradictory nature of the relationships between the government and the opposition are considered in the context of increasing authoritarian tendencies, destabilizing of democracy and weakening of inter-party competition. The weakening of inter-party competition in the early 90s and coming to power of V. Meciar strengthened the authoritarian tendencies and led to minimizing of the parliamentary opposition influence and reducing its control functions. Low level of consensus between the government and opposition parties was observed. This allows to talk about the construction of a conflict model of interaction between the government and the opposition. The relationships between the government and the political opposition was largely depended on the personal factor. Personification of policy in Slovakia clearly seen in the person of V. Meciar. He played a dominant role in politic. The conflicts between him and his main opponents led to the polarization of political life in Slovakia. Curtailment of democratic processes and the slowdown the process of European integration in the country led to the unification of the efforts of the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary forms of political opposition. This resulted to the creation of a new institutional framework. The political opposition has been greatly strengthened by NGOs. Non-party subjects of opposition activities were integrating center for opposition parties. Significant role in increasing of political subjectivity of opposition played the EU. Only since 1998 in Slovakia the practice of democratic change of parties in power was restored. This created the conditions for eliminating the consequences of V. Meciar illiberal regime, implementation of European integration policy and economic reforms.
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EN
We can observe a complex and partly contradictory transformation of authority, until now centred in the state. The dispersion of authority both vertically to supranational and subnational institutions and horizontally to non-state actors has challenged the structure and capacity of national governments. This transformation of authority is multi-dimensional and multiscalar process. A major change also is taking place in the organization of political power. This transformation has often been labeled as a shift from ‘government’ to ‘governance’. We observe a world where new institutional forms of mixed public and private governance are emerging.
EN
This article is devoted to research of problems of the contents and typology of global constitutionalism as a social concept. The author analyzes the concept of globalization and constitutionalism economic, political-legal and social-philosophical points of view. Given the author’s definition of globalization, constitutionalism, global constitutionalism. The concept of globalization, constitutionalism, global constitutionalism is explored based on the analysis of various contemporary socio-philosophical concepts: neo-liberal; liberal; libertarian; conservative; neo-conservative; neo-marxist; neanuridae; world-system analysis; Shiite Islam; Sunni Islam; radical Islam; Catholicism and many others. We use a number of methods of scientific knowledge: epistemological; ontology; formal logic; dialectic; statistical; comparative legal; abstract-idealistic; specifically historical.
10
63%
EN
A basic question being addressed in the article concerns a peculiar moment when obligation enters into arena of the political. And thus, it becomes political obligations that adumbrates a new ideational dimension. An interesting cluster of ideas is located In the dimension. Ideas referring to political obligation we can find in Plato’s Crito. Origins of reflection upon the political obligation are laid down by Socrates in his last days before drinking hemlock. He poses several perennial questions that are of foundational nature. Laws organizing the political community, that since then we know as a ‘patria’, do not arrogate certain strictures. They rather corroborate citizens’ obedience. And whereby authority stems from them. Assuming the modern perspective the political obligation brings about otus that legitimizes civil disobedience. But ‘via antiqua’ presumes that it brings the order into human behavior and into community. And as such it is essential to the politics. Thus, legitimacy, authority, laws, justice, state delineate boundaries of the domain called the political where obligation constitutes the salient place.
PL
Artykuł powstał w ramach realizacji projektu badawczego o nr 2012/07/N/HS6/02252 finansowanego ze środków Narodowego Centrum Nauki. Omawia on wykorzystanie aktywizacji w eksperymentach psychologicznych, skupiając się na kategoriach związanych z władzą i pieniędzmi. Odnosi się ponadto do obserwowanych w wielu badaniach różnic pomiędzy studentami zarządzania i ekonomii oraz innych kierunków, wyjaśniając je jako potencjalne skutki chronicznej aktywizacji kategorii władzy i pieniędzy. Prezentowane są wyniki badań przeprowadzonych na uczniach warszawskich szkół średnich (N = 134) sugerujące, że wspomniane różnice pomiędzy studentami wynikają z samoselekcji raczej niż socjalizacji.
EN
An article discusses the use of activation in experimental psychological research, focusing on the categories associated with power and money. It further addresses the issue of potential chronic power and money activation by relating to the observable differences between students of management and economics and those of other disciplines. Results of the study conducted on the students of three Warsaw high schools are presented (N = 134), suggesting that the abovementioned differences stem from self-selection rather than socialization.
EN
The system of public administration in Ukraine as a set of state bodies and institutions, officials who are authorized to perform management functions in all spheres of state and public life has been considered in the article. It is emphasized that the process of reforming the bodies of public administration in Ukraine continues, which reaffirms the thesis of the permanent modification of the state power and administrative functions connected with the emergence of new realities of social development. The article analyzes the important methodological provision of the relevant processes in this way so that the obtained results have the ability to ensure not only the accomplishment of the tasks set, but also in general realize the goals and directions of the whole system of public administration. It is generalized that the improvement of administrative procedures in the state has an important methodological value for the implementation of public administration.
PL
W artykule rozważono system administracji publicznej na Ukrainie jako zespół organów państwowych i instytucji, urzędników uprawnionych do pełnienia funkcji zarządczych we wszystkich sferach życia państwowego i publicznego. Podkreśla się, że trwa proces reformowania organów administracji publicznej na Ukrainie, co potwierdza tezę o permanentnej modyfikacji władzy państwowej i funkcji administracyjnych związanych z pojawieniem się nowych realiów rozwoju społecznego. Artykuł analizuje w ten sposób ważne dostarczanie metodologiczne odpowiednich procesów, aby uzyskane wyniki miały zdolność zapewnienia nie tylko realizacji wyznaczonych zadań, ale także w ogóle realizowały cele i kierunki całego systemu administracji publicznej. Uogólnia się, że usprawnienie procedur administracyjnych w państwie ma ważną wartość metodologiczną dla wdrażania administracji publicznej.
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