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Wpływ zmian i napięć geopolitycznych na Bliskim Wschodzie na dezintegrację Libanu w XXI w.

100%
Dziedzic K.
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
|
2014
|
issue 3
103-122
EN
The article is an analysis of the impact of geopolitical changes and crises in the Middle East to the unity and stability of Lebanon in the XXI century. Disintegration of Lebanon is the result of the confrontation of conflicting interests of the Shiites and Sunnis after 2005, which overlap with the lines of divisions and regional tensions. The origin causes of the crisis in Lebanon are: weak consensus concluded in al-Ta’if in 1989 and the internationalization of ethnic confl ict in Lebanon. The factors above and geopolitical conditions linked country with four regional crises, and from their solutions depends the unity and stability of the Lebanese state in the future. These are: civil war in Syria, struggle of domination between Saudi Arabia and Iran, the problem of jihadists of Islamic State, and the Arab-Israeli conflict.
2
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Inclusion and Power-Sharing in Pacific Asia: From Consociationalism to Centripetalism

88%
Reilly B.
Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia
|
2017
|
vol. Tom 1
65-88
EN
This paper looks at the changing nature of political power-sharing in the Asia-Pacific region, characterised by the ethnically-plural democracies and semi-democracies, and it reviews several cases in terms of their institutional structures and mechanisms adopted for the purpose of political inclusion. The paper states that the classic consensual recommendations of parliamentary rule, proportional elections and ethnic parties have been abandoned in favour of more majoritarian and multiethnic models of governance. In this shift from one model of power-sharing to another, political inclusion in Southeast Asia then increasingly takes place informally, through centripetal rather than consociational means, via some key institutional mechanisms: oversized but not grand coalition governments; aggregative rather than segmental political parties; ethnically-mixed federal or other sub-national jurisdictional units; and majoritarian, vote-pooling political institutions. As a result, this “Asian model” of political inclusion stands in contrast and in many ways in opposition to the classic consensual recommendations.
3
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Istota i główne modele power-sharing w kontekście wieloetniczności. Zarys problematyki

87%
Trzciński K.
Przegląd Politologiczny
|
2016
|
issue 3
27-40
EN
This paper discusses the essence and key models of power-sharing. While power-sharing can be construed in a very broad way, a narrow understanding of it is analyzed in this paper. It refers to the phenomenon of the sharing of state power by different segments (e.g. ethnic groups and/or religious communities) of plural societies, especially multi-ethnic and/or multi-religious groups. There are two aims of this paper: 1) to explain how the concept of power-sharing in a multi-ethnic context is understood in the literature, and 2) to identify the main characteristics of the principal models of power-sharing (confessionalism, the Lewis Model, consociationalism, and centripetalism).
PL
Artykuł traktuje w zarysie o istocie i głównych modelach power-sharing. Choć powersharing może być pojmowane w sposób bardzo szeroki, tematyka tego artykułu dotyczy jego wąskiego rozumienia. Odnosi się ono do fenomenu dzielenia się władzą państwową przez różne segmenty (np. grupy etniczne lub wspólnoty religijne) społeczeństw pluralnych (podzielonych, sfragmentaryzowanych), w tym zwłaszcza wieloetnicznych i/lub wieloreligijnych. Głównym celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie treści power-sharing we wskazanym wąskim rozumieniu i wytłumaczenie w zarysie jego głównych modeli (konfesjonalizm, model Lewisa, konsocjonalizm, centrypetalizm).
4
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Hybrid Power-Sharing in Indonesia

75%
Trzciński K.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2017
|
vol. 1 (46)
168–185
EN
The aim of this study is to demonstrate the validity of the thesis that in Indonesia one can find institutions that characterize two power-sharing models which are considered opposites of one another in political theory – centripetalism and consociationalism. In consequence, the Indonesian power-sharing system should be viewed as a hybrid, or mixed, system, and not a typically centripetal system as is usually the case in the literature. At the beginning of this article, a short analysis of Indonesia's political situation is given for the purpose of defining the factors which determined the introduction of inter-segmental power-sharing solutions in that country. This is followed by a description of the specificity of consociationalism and centripetalism. The article goes on to discuss specific institutions of both power-sharing models which exist in Indonesia and ends with some concluding remarks on the thesis advanced at the outset.
5
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The Centripetal Spatial Vote Distribution Requirement in Presidential Elections: The Cases of Nigeria and Indonesia

63%
Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia
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2017
|
vol. Tom 1
89-107
EN
The principal aim of this article is to explain the specificity of the requirement for a spatial distribution of votes in presidential elections – an institution that has existed in Nigeria since 1979 and in Indonesia since 2001. It also seeks to describe the political conditions which contributed to that institution’s introduction and functioning in those two countries. The article will end with a comparison between the two cases, including a discussion of the present differences between them. The article will also contain a preliminary appraisal of whether the existence of the requirement in question is helping to reduce the level of conflictive behaviour in relations between ethnic groups in the multi-ethnic societies of Nigeria and Indonesia
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