Search results

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Szkice z zakresu rzymskiego prawa karnego – skazanie do szkoły gladiatorów (damnatio in ludum)

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Kubiak P.

Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne

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2012

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vol. LXXXV (85)

85-112

EN

Condemnation to the school of gladiators (damnatio in ludum) was one of the most intriguing penalties in Roman Criminal Law. Condemned were sent to ludus to train gladiatorial skills and fight during the games. Of course, its existence was closely connected with ludus, and thus it appeared in public law in I century b.C., after the gladiatorial schools were widely built (at least from 105 b.C. – Val. Max. 2, 3, 2; Cic. Tusc. 2, 41; Plin. Nat. 33, 16). From I century A.D. on, it was definitely quite common penalty (Plin. Epist. 31; lex Petronia de servis). The most important thing however is, that it was not a death penalty – it deprived condemned of liberty, they became slaves, and also they had to stay in ludus, as in the prison (D. 48, 19, 8, 11; P. S. 5, 17, 2), but they did not have to die during the games. Even more, after three years of service they could be liberated from the penalty, and after another two years – regain their freedom (Coll. 11, 7, 4). As it was a general rule in Roman Criminal Law, slaves and humiliores could be condemned in such a way (D. 48, 19, 8, 12; P. S. 5, 23, 4). Damnatio in ludum was very similar to damnatio ad metallum, so one can draw some conclusion on such comparison. Some authors suggest, that criminals were condemned to ludus in cases of sacrilege, arson, homicide, robbery and desertion (thesis based probably on Quint. Decl. Mai. 9, 21 and Flor. 2, 8, 8), but closer analysis of Roman legal regulations shows, that it was a penalty of lesser crimes or mitigation of punishments (D. 48, 13, 7; P. S. 5, 20, 2 and 5; P. S. 5, 23, 4; D. 49, 16, 3, 1; D. 48, 19, 28, 15). Though from one point of view it was a severe penalty, resulting in death sometimes, in general it may be compared with damnatio ad metallum and other non-lethal penalties. The discipline in ludus might have been cruel and hard, but there was also a chance to survive the time of punishment (according to some even in case of loss during games - missio) and regain freedom, not to mention quite good physical care like attention of doctors or massages. Its close connection with gladiatorial games was also the reason of its disappearance from Roman Criminal Law, as late as the end of IV century A.D. (C. Th. 15, 12, 1; C. Th. 9, 40, 8; C. Th. 15, 12, 3).

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SESJA NAUKOWA: „PANDEKTA JUSTINIANA CORPUS IURIS CIVILIS DIGESTUM VETUS CUM GLOSSIS” (ZAMEK W KÓRNIKU, 19 GRUDNIA 2016 ROKU)

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Jasiński T.

Pamiętnik Biblioteki Kórnickiej

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2017

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issue 34

9-10

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OGÓLNA CHARAKTERYSTYKA ORAZ DZIEJE RĘKOPISU „DIGESTUM VETUS CUM GLOSSIS” ZE ZBIORÓW BIBLIOTEKI KÓRNICKIEJ

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Baran-Kozłowski W.

Pamiętnik Biblioteki Kórnickiej

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2017

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issue 34

33-60

EN

The collections of the PAN Kórnik Library include one of the most interesting illuminated manuscripts of “Digestum vetus” made at the request of Emperor Justinian. The manuscript is marked by a very rich iconographic programme including 25 figurative initials and more than 230 marginal illustrations. Both types of image excellently correlate with the text of the legal manuscript and the marginal illustrations constitute a visual commentary to it. The manuscript contains a commentary by Accursius (Glossa ordinaria) as well as many earlier pre-accursian glosses. The manuscript was brought to Poland by Dziersław of Karnice, a scholaster from Płock, in the 15th century. He purchased it during his stay in Italy, where he studied law from 1469 until 1471. The manuscript spent the next 300 years in Plock, in the library of the cathedral chapter. It was subsequently purchased by Tadeusz Czacki, who added it to the collections of the Poryck Library. After a few years, the manuscript was bought by Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, who made it a part of the collections of the Puławy Library. Finally, the manuscript was brought to the Kórnik Library founded by the Działyński family.

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JUSTYNIAŃSKIE DIGESTA JAKO INSPIRACJA ARGUMENTACJI PRAWNICZEJ. OD KÓRNICKIEGO RĘKOPISU DIGESTÓW PO WSPÓŁCZESNE SPORY O GRANICE INTERPRETACJI

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Dajczak W.

Pamiętnik Biblioteki Kórnickiej

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2017

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issue 34

11-32

EN

Justinian’s Digesta as an inspiration for legal argumentation. From the Kórnik manuscript of the Digest to the contemporary disputes on the borders of interpretation The manuscript of Justinian’s Digest from the late decades of the 2th century belongs to the most precious items kept by the Kórnik Library. This paper presents an analysis of the relationship between the European legal tradition and the still important issue of the boundaries of legal interpretation, based on the manuscript. The author’s starting point was the contradiction between the prohibition of the interpretation of the Digest as imposed by Justinian and the opinions of classical Roman jurists confirming the significant role of interpretation in law which are collected in the Digest. The first part of the paper contains an analysis of glosses to Justinian’s prohibition in his constitution Omnem and glosses to the concept of interpretation at the beginning of the second title of Justinian’s Digest in the manuscript and in the later collection of the glossators’ output (Glossa Magna). Opinions of leading European jurists from between the 14th and the 19th centuries associated with Justinian’s Digest and related to the boundaries and methods of legal interpretation are discussed in the second part of the paper. Both fields of legal experience show a similar trend of strengthening the role and flexibility of legal interpretation. The relationship between the 12thcentury manuscript and the specific position of jurists in modern European societies is perceptible.

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Cesarz Trajan w sprawie bityńskich sportowców: ‘lex retro non agit’…?

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Jońca M.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2018

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vol. 18

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issue 1

161-172

PL

The material used by Professor Witold Wołodkiewicz in his analysis of the lex retro non agit principle may be supplemented with one more source – one which has been underestimated and referred to only incidentally, but may eﬀectively tip the balance of the discussion. Book Ten of Pliny’s correspondence consists of letters addressed to Trajan, including some replies from the Emperor. It contains material which gives the perfect answer to the search for the origins of the lex retro non agit principle. In a list of unresolved issues Pliny mentions a specific request made by professional athletes, who wanted him to apply some regulations which the Emperor had just instituted, as grounds in their favour. But both the Emperor and Pliny, his governor for Bithynia, concur that in this case it would be inadmissible to make the new provisions retroactive.

EN

Materiał wykorzystany przez profesora Witolda Wołodkiewicza w jego badaniach nad zasadą lex retro non agit może być uzupełniony o jeszcze jedno źródło – niedoceniane, cytowane incydentalnie, ale jednak mogące nadać zupełnie nowy wymiar toczonej dyskusji. Dziesiąta księga korespondencji Pliniusza zawiera listy adresowane do Trajana oraz wybrane odpowiedzi władcy. Znalazł się tam materiał, który doskonale nadaje się do badań nad zasadą lex retro non agit. Wśród problemów wymagających rozwiązania Pliniusz natknął się na szczególną prośbę zawodowych atletów. Sportowcy poprosili go, by zaaplikował na ich korzyść pewne przepisy, które zostały właśnie wprowadzone przez cesarza. Zarówno władca jak i jego namiestnik zgodzili się jednak, że w tym wypadku zastosowanie wstecznego działania prawa nie powinno mieć miejsca.

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‘SUPERFICIES’ – RZYMSKIE KORZENIE PRAWA ZABUDOWY

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Dyjakowska M.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2015

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vol. 15

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issue 1

5-32

PL

‘Superficies’: The Roman Origins Of The Right To Build Upon A Plot Of LandSummaryThe aim of this paper is to present the Roman origin of the right of superficies (the right to erect a building on a plot of land), which is thesubject of a bill drafted by the Polish Civil Law Codification Committee. This right is to replace the institution of perpetual usufruct, which has been extant in Polish civil law since the 1960s. Superficies has been present in many European systems of law (for example in the Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch German Civil Code of 1896, and the Austrian law of 1919). The author compares the subject and object of the right in question, the legal situation of the superficiarius and the rights of the owner of the land in Roman law and in the Polish draft bill. The main difference between the Roman superficies and the right proposed in the draft bill is the deviation from the principle of accession (superficies solo cedit): under the Polish draft bill the superficiarius will become the owner of the building. Furthermore, the Roman superficies was perpetual; in Poland it will be constructed as temporary (30-100 years). Both rights (in Roman and Polish law) share many other similarities: they are hereditary, and the superficiarius is to pay the owner of the land. The conclusion which may be drawn is that Roman institutions can still inspire the contemporary legislator.

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L’‘HUMANITAS’ TRA DIRITTO ROMANO E TOTALITARISMO HITLERIANO

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Garofalo L.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2015

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vol. 15

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issue 2

43-75

PL

„Humanitas” między prawem rzymskim a totalitaryzmem hitlerowskimStreszczenieIdea humanitas towarzysząca ludzkości od czasów starożytnych, od momentu jej powstania pozostawała w ścisłym związku z pojęciem prawa, oddziałując na proces jego tworzenia i interpretacji oraz wyznaczając kierunki jego rozwoju. Jak każda idea ma ona swoje „corpus“ historyczne, jako że proces jej formowania się, kształtowania i konsolidacji odbywał się w rozwoju historycznym naszej cywilizacji, w nierozerwalnym związku z ludźmi i ich losami. O ile dla Cycerona humanitas rozumiana jest jako obiektywna, nadrzędna zasada moralna, z której wynikają dla człowieka określone powinności a także jako wymóg zdobywania wszelakiego rodzaju wiedzy, przede wszystkim na bazie studiów literackich, o tyle w kulturze chrześcijańskiej humanitas przejawia się przede wszystkim w obowiązku miłości bliźniego, umiłowania Syna Bożego w każdej istocie ludzkiej, nawet jeżeli jest ona wrogiem. Przedmiotem rozważań w niniejszym opracowaniu jest koncepcja humanitas u zarania jej dziejów a więc w czasach rzymskich, bowiem idea humanizmu, zarówno w sensie terminologicznym jak i materialnym stanowi oryginalną, autonomiczną kreację rzymskiej praktyki prawnej i myśli filozoficznej a także pojmowanie i krytyka tejże idei humanitas w okresie, „kiedy prawo rzymskie przestało istnieć“ a więc w czasach hitlerowskiego totalitaryzmu. W pismach rzymskich jurystów, poczynając od Juliana, wielokrotnie humanitas jest przywoływana jako ratio decidendi konkretnego rozstrzygnięcia kwestii spornej będąc jednym z atrybutów idei aequitas (słuszności) uznawanej przez rzymskich jurystów i urzędników tworzących i stosujących prawo za podstawę proponowanych przez nich rozstrzygnięć czy rozwiązań prawnych. Tak pojmowana idea humanitas zapewniła sobie silny wpływ na obowiązujące prawo i wyznaczała kierunki jego dalszego rozwoju. W czasach nazizmu zarówno prawo rzymskie jak i ideologia z nim związana stała się natomiast obiektem zażartej krytyki ze strony teoretyków prawa i filozofów związanych z hitlerowskim reżimem. Głęboka awersja do prawa naznaczonego humanizmem, czy to w jego antycznym wydaniu, czy będącego recepcją prawa rzymskiego, spowodowała porzucenie idei humanitas przez elity intelektualne tej epoki popierające poglądy głoszone przez Hitlera bądź też doprowadziła do interpretacji tej idei zupełnie wynaturzonej w relacji do jej oryginalnego znaczenia. Jak należy bowiem zauważyć społeczeństwu rzymskiemu, chociaż nieznającemu pojęcia praw człowieka i z naszego punktu widzenia w wielu aspektach okrutnemu i niesprawiedliwemu, obca była idea dyskryminacji ze względów rasowych i etnicznych, co zawdzięczało ono w dużej mierze uznaniu wartości zawierających się właśnie w idei humanitas.

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HENRYKA KUPISZEWSKIEGO WIZJA PRAWA RZYMSKIEGO

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Wołodkiewicz W.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2015

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vol. 15

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issue 2

113-122

PL

Henryk Kupiszewski’s Vision of Roman LawSummaryThis article is an extended version of the author’s paper delivered atthe International Conference held at the University of Warsaw to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the death of Professor HenrykKupiszewski. The author presents the biography and academic developments in the life of Kupiszewski, a student of Wacław Osuchowski, Rafał Taubenschlag, and Max Kaser. He then goes on to discussKupiszewski’s main research interests. Starting with papyrology forthe legal sciences, Kupiszewski moved on to research on the internalhistory of classical Roman law and finally to the study of the impact ofRoman law on contemporary law and legal culture. The author also recalls Kupiszewski’s work in international co-operation in scholarshipand for the Polish diplomatic service as ambassador to the Vatican.

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BANKIERZY PUBLICZNI W ŹRÓDŁACH PRAWA RZYMSKIEGO

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Niczyporuk P.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2014

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vol. 14

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issue 1

113-131

PL

PUBLIC BANKERS IN ROMAN LAW SOURCES Summary The Romans had an extensive terminology for persons who engaged in banking activities; however, only nummularii and mensarii pursued activities on behalf of the State. Their operations may be regarded as public banking in the broad sense of the term, and were conducted from the 4th century BC until the 3rd century AD. Banking was of key importance in the peak period of growth for Roman trading and financial operations, and this is confirmed in the sources for Roman law. We do not have any records for the bankers referred to as nummularii until the period of classical Roman law, when we get fragmentary references to them in the writings of Roman jurists. There are only two passages on their public activities in the quality control and exchange of coinage; the first is by Sextus Caecilius Africanus, and the second is Ulpian’s commentary on the duties of the prefectus Urbi. Other references to them in the works of Roman jurists relate to their operations concerning deposits and credit, and as such do not belong to the sphere of public law. We get more mentions of public bankers in the Roman non-legal literature. Mensarii, who performed a certain type of public banking duties, are referred to in Livy’s Ab urbe condita. Cicero, Suetonius, and Festus also wrote about them. Moreover, Grammaticus treated the term mensarii as synonymous with nummularii. Presumably the two categories of public bankers were considered to be generally respected individuals. We also have mentions of the nummularii in the non-legal literature. In his Satyricon Petronius esteemed their skills of assessing the quality of coins; they were also held in high regard by Martial, Suetonius, and Apuleius. Suetonius wrote of the severe penalties imposed on the nummularii by the Emperor Galba. On the other hand, all we get in the epigraphic sources, mostly tombstone inscriptions from Rome, elsewhere in Italy, and the western provinces, are records of the activities of the nummularii for the quality control and exchange of coinage, considered an important duty from the point of view of the State. In fact the non-legal and epigraphic literature of Rome tells us more about public bankers than do the sources on Roman law. Their work did not give rise to many legal problems, as we may conclude from the fact they are mentioned only in two juridical passages. The assessment of the quality of coins and their exchange, and other banking activities on behalf of the State were sufficiently supervised by Roman administrative officers, so there was no need for jurists to comment on them at length.

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ZAKAZ ‘REFORMATIONIS IN PEIUS’ W POLSKIEJ PROCEDURZE CYWILNEJ WOBEC TRADYCJI PRAWA RZYMSKIEGO

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Misztal-Konecka J.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2014

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vol. 14

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issue 1

95-111

PL

PROHIBITION OF ‘REFORMATIO IN PEIUS’ IN POLISH CIVIL PROCEDURE IN THE LIGHT OF THE TRADITION OF ROMAN LAW Summary The subject of this paper is an assessment of the influence of Roman law on the contemporary regulations for appeal in Polish civil procedurę as regards the prohibition of reformatio in peius. The author’s analysis shows that despite the general belief that the ban on the worsening of the appellant’s situation in the event of the opposite party failing to lodge an appeal derives from Roman roots, in fact when used in the context of the way in which Polish appeal courts deliver a verdict, the expression reformatio in peius is nothing more than an artificial legal concept derived from Latin.

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Zniewaga imagines władcy jako podstawa oskarżenia o crimen maiestatis w świetle wybranych rzymskich procesów karnych w Annales Tacyta

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Wojtczak M.

Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne

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2014

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vol. 66

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issue 2

205-240

PL

Zjawisko rozrastania się „katalogu” czynów kwalifikowanych jako crimen leasae maiestatis w początkach Pryncypatu poddawano już licznym analizom i interpretacjom. Zwiększającą się liczbę postępowań odbywających się w cieniu oskarżeń o przestępstwo obrazy majestatu tłumaczy się przeważnie interpretacyjnym rozszerzaniem zakresu tego przestępstwa. Wydaje się jednak, że w proponowanych rozważaniach zbyt mało uwagi poświęca się instrumentalnemu wykorzystywaniu prawa, do którego uciekają się władcy w procesach o często politycznym wymiarze.

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Szkoła naukowa czy tylko kuźnia talentów? Lwowskie środowisko romanistyczne w latach 1857–1939

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Nancka G.

Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne

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2020

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vol. 72

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issue 2

219-235

EN

The article portrays the character of the romance community which functioned at the University of Lviv in the second half of the 19th century and in the first decades of the 20th century. Numerous charismatic Roman law scientists were connected with the University of Lviv. This group starts with Józefat Zielonacki and it also includes Leon Piniński, Marceli Chlamtacz as well as Ignacy Koschembahr-Łyskowski in its numbers. However, can one talk about a differentiating scientific programme in relation to Lviv Romanists and did their scientific activity have a common denominator? The paper attempts to search for an element which bound the Romanists in Lviv together by presenting the achievements of the scientists who conducted research into Roman law there. This would allow one to determine whether this community constituted a school of thought. However, it seems that it only was a breeding ground for talent which contributed to the creation of the modern Polish Roman law studies to a significant extent.

PL

W artykule ukazano charakter funkcjonującego na uniwersytecie lwowskim w drugiej połowie XIX i pierwszych dekadach XX w. środowiska romanistycznego. Począwszy od Józefata Zielonackiego, z Uniwersytetem we Lwowie związanych było wielu charyzmatycznych uczonych zajmujących się prawem rzymskim, takich jak Leon Piniński, Marceli Chlamtacz czy Ignacy Koschembahr-Łyskowski. Czy jednak w odniesieniu do lwowskich romanistów można mówić o wyróżniającym się programie badawczym i czy ich naukowa działalność miała wspólny pierwiastek? Prezentując dokonania uczonych zajmujących się prawem rzymskim we Lwowie, starano się poszukiwać spajającego tamtejszych romanistów elementu, który pozwoliłby na określenie, czy środowisko to było szkołą naukową. Wydaje się jednak, że była to jedynie kuźnia talentów, która w dużym stopniu przyczyniła się do stworzenia nowoczesnej polskiej romanistyki prawniczej.

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Małżeństwo chrześcijan: egzegeza biblijna i prawo rzymskie (XXXVII „Dni Augustiańskie” – Rzym, 8-10 V 2008)

80%

Degórski B.

Vox Patrum

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2009

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vol. 53

1060-1063

PL

nie dotyczy

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‘ALE I PRAWA POLSKIE NIE Z INNEGO TEŻ źRóDŁA CZERPANE BYŁY’, CZYLI O ZAPOMNIANYM GŁOSIE NA TEMAT ROLI PRAWA RZYMSKIEGO W PRZEDROZBIOROWEJ RZECZYPOSPOLITEJ

71%

Godek S.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2019

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vol. 19

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issue 1

73-84

EN

In 1818 Jozafat Zaleski, a Pole lecturing in law at Polotsk University, published a treatise on lawyers’ need of knowledge of Roman law, addressing the controversial issue of the importance of Roman law in the pre-partitional Poland. He took the view that Roman law had a signifcant impact on Polish law, in particular upon the Statutes of Casimir the Great, the Lithuanian Statute and municipal law.

PL

Jozafat Zaleski, wykładowca prawa w Akademii Połockiej, w opublikowanej w 1818 r. rozprawie o potrzebie znajomości prawa rzymskiego przez prawników odniósł się do spornego problemu znaczenia tego prawa w dawnej Polsce. Autor wyraził pogląd o silnym wpływie prawa rzymskiego na prawo polskie, a zwłaszcza na Statuty Kazimierza Wielkiego, Statut litewski oraz prawo miejskie.

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ODPOWIEDZIALNOŚĆ ‘AGRIMENSORES’ A ODPOWIEDZIALNOŚĆ GEODETÓW

70%

Sitek B.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2014

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vol. 14

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issue 2

123-148

PL

THE LIABILITY OF THE ‘AGRIMENSORES’ AND SURVEYORS’ LIABILITY Summary The agrimensores played an important role in the society of ancien Rome. They were highly respected for their technical skills and knowledge of mathematics. The grounds for the liability of the agrimensores were material damage caused intentionally by surveyor (dolus) and intent to deceive (fallere). An agrimensor was not liable for damage caused as a result of lack of knowledge or experience (imperitia). If several agrimensores onducted the surveying activities they were jointly liable (in solidum), regardless of their individual contribution to the damage. This type of liability could not be used when it was not possible to assign blame to one of the agrimensores. An agrimensor who had a slave to do the measuring held the liability and could not resort to noxal responsibility. Noxal responsibility could be applied if the shoddy work had been performed by a slave; in such cases the party suffering the damage could obtain dominion over the slave who had caused it or receive full compensation from the slave’s owner. The injured party could seek compensation on the grounds of a praetorian actio in factum. The injured party and his heirs had the right to submit a claim, which was subsidiary and therefore penal in nature, which meant it could not be brought against the heirs of the perpetrators. Actio in factum was used as an actio utilis and actio ad exemplum in other similar cases in surveying activities, such as when measuring wine or grain. Nowadays a surveyor’s liability is civil, criminal, administrative or disciplinary. The first two types are important when a specific injury or offence occurs. In such cases only a surveyor who carried out the surveying or cartographic activities on his own is liable. The study shows that, despite some similarities, there are differences between the liabilities of Roman agrimensores and of modern surveyors. Roman law used a system of praetorian civil liability which was penal in character, while today we have a stratified system of liability of up to four separate levels, where the injured party may use only one or submit a cumulative claim, seeking civil damages, and claiming punishment for the perpetrators under criminal law and/or disciplinary proceedings.

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‘TESTAMENTUM PORCELLI’

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Dzikowski A., Jurewicz A. R., Molisak G.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2016

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vol. 16

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issue 4

11-35

PL

The ‘Testamentum Porcelli’ Summary This paper is a translation and commentary of the anonymous fourth-century pamphlet referred as the Testamentum Porcelli. Notwithstanding the humorous nature of the work, it became the subject of scholarly dispute focused on its actual meaning and potential author. The main concepts, together with the characters associated with them, are presented in footnotes and commentaries with an explanation of particular issues, e.g. the structure of the text, Roman law, and allusions to pagan festivals and customs.

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Twórcy i apologeci prawa rzymskiego w opinii Tadeusza Czackiego

61%

Jakubowski I.

Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne

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2013

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vol. LXXXVIII (88)

49-70

EN

The author presents Tadeusz Czacki’s opinions regarding the architects of Roman law and those, who remained firmly under its influence, under its spell, and occupied themselves with reception of ius romanum by other legal systems. In the first part of his work, the author relates Czacki’s knowledge of Roman law, one of the most important characters of Polish life at the turn of 19th Century. The author points out that Czacki must have known the law of Romans very well, although this familiarity was rather formal instead of material. Czacki knew the sources of Roman law well, as well as its architects, although not without a few sad mistakes and imperfections. In the course of following sections, the author relates Czacki’s opinion regarding the sources of ius romanum, so the Law of Twelve Tables, many other Roman acts, then the Theodosian Code and the entire codification of Justinian. Opinions of creators of Roman law are also presented: emperors August, Theodosian, Justinian, and afterwards the author presents Czacki’s opinions about illustrious Roman jurists such as Papinian, Ulpian, Paulus and the great codificator Tribonian, the real creator of Justinian’s work. Czacki doesn’t spare many characters and presents negative opinions about them, of course with his great erudite skill. In the last part, the author presents Czacki’s knowledge of Polish law and its development in old Poland, beginning with the statutes of Casimir the Great and up to the efforts of codifying Polish law in the latter half of 18th Century. Because Czacki was not an enthusiast of Roman law’s influence on Polish law theories, he criticised many Polish lawyers of the Renessaince, who had suggested admitting that Roman law had at least auxilary influence on the development of Polish law, especially within town law. He quotes opinions regarding Ostrorog, Przyluski, Roisius and others. In the closing notes, the author remarks that even though Czacki is a follower the theory claiming Norman influence on Polish law, he starts to perceive, however small they were, influences Roman law had on Polish law.

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Rzymskie inspiracje kanonu 39 (Saepe coningit) IV Soboru Laterańskiego (1215)

61%

Korporowicz Ł. J.

Łódzkie Studia Teologiczne

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2016

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vol. 25

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issue 2

91-102

EN

In this article the author analyses three hypothetical sources of inspiration for papal lawyers who prepared canon Saepe coningit in the Fourth Council of the Lateran. This analysis does not give a unequivocal answer, which Roman solution was the reference point for papal lawyers. All the presented solutions , i.e. actio Pauliana, a case of selling a stolen thing and by usucaption of a stolen thing differ in respect to a factual state, which became the subject of canon regulation in Saepe coningit or are identical with it. Thus, we can accept that the statement non obstante civilis iuris rigore, which was used by the Council Fathers, in fact did not apply to any concrete regulation of the Roman Law but it pointed to it as a legal order

19

Inconvenient Witnesses: Testimonies of Slaves in a Criminal Trial During the Republic and the Principate

61%

Loska E.

Studia Iuridica Lublinensia

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2021

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vol. 30

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issue 1

EN

In ancient Rome, slaves performed many different tasks. The fact that they often enjoyed the trust of their owners and knew their secrets made them very desirable witnesses in a criminal trial. The aim of the article is to show examples of situations in which the testimony of slaves in a criminal trial could be dangerous for their owners. Slaves were subject to obligatory torture, so they could reveal some secrets against their will. However, there was a ban on the use of slaves’ testimonies against their owners. Roman law, still, knew a few exceptions to this, in matters justified by the interests of Rome. The article shows also the changes made during the Principate, when the statutory law regulating this issue appeared.

PL

W starożytnym Rzymie niewolnicy wykonywali wiele różnych zadań. Fakt, że cieszyli się nieraz zaufaniem swoich właścicieli i znali ich sekrety, czynił z nich bardzo pożądanych świadków w procesie karnym. Celem artykułu jest pokazanie przykładowych sytuacji, w których zeznania niewolników w procesie karnym mogły być niebezpieczne dla ich właścicieli. Niewolnicy obligatoryjnie poddawani byli torturom, mogli zatem zdradzić tajemnice wbrew swojej woli. Mimo że obowiązywał zakaz wykorzystywania zeznań niewolników przeciw ich właścicielom, to prawo rzymskie znało jednak od niego kilka wyjątków, w sprawach uzasadnionych interesem Rzymu. Pokazano także zmiany dokonane w okresie pryncypatu, kiedy pojawiło się prawo stanowione regulujące tę kwestię.

20

The Impact of Wars on Roman Legislation Regarding vicesima hereditatis and caducum

61%

Świrgoń-Skok R.

Studia Iuridica Lublinensia

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2019

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vol. 28

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issue 3

EN

The article refers to matters related to vicesima hereditatis and caducum, by means of which a Roman legislator sought financial resources for waging wars. The territorial expansion of Rome, the wars waged, and, in particular, the need to raise funds for their financing affected not only the norms of public law but also individual regulations of Roman private law, including those considering both tax and inheritance law.

PL

W artykule odniesiono się do zagadnień związanych z vicesima heredistatis i caducum, za pomocą których rzymski prawodawca szukał środków finansowych na prowadzenie wojen. Ekspansja terytorialna Rzymu, prowadzone wojny, a zwłaszcza potrzeba gromadzenia funduszy na ich finansowanie wpływały nie tylko na normy prawa publicznego, lecz także na poszczególne unormowania rzymskiego prawa prywatnego, w tym na te z pogranicza prawa podatkowego i spadkowego.

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