The spectacular result of Stanisław Tymiński in the 1990 Polish presidential election not only shocked a substantial segment of public opinion but also confounded numerous commentators of Polish political life, who started to seek the causes of the enigmatic candidate’s success. The explanations given by both publicists and social scientists were dominated by the opinion that Tymiński’s success resulted from the demagogical nature of his political program, and the immaturity of Polish society, which at that time had not yet adapted to democracy after 45 years of real socialism. In contrast to those explanations, the present paper attempts to demonstrate that Stan Tymiński possessed numerous traits of a charismatic leader (or, at least, he consequently created his image in that direction), which in turn, allows us to understand the results of 1990 Polish presidential election better.
In the first half of 2001 the US Department of State, following a request from the National Security Archive (a US non-governmental organisation), declassified documents relating to the Round Table negotiations, the presidential elections, the crisis over choice of a prime minister and the creation of government (coalition) in Poland in 1989. Those documents, highly confidential until their release, allow us to look at the most important events in the transformation in Poland from a different perspective, which has not yet been extensively analysed. In essence, they indicate the role of external factors which have influenced the political situation of Poland – the transformation and actual decomposition of communism. They include cables detailing the US embassy’s participation in, and its analysis of the events during Poland’s ‘revolution’.
The aim of the article is to present the programme priorities in the field of security policy, announced by each candidate running for the office of President of Ukraine in 2019. In addition, it also attempts to show how they intended to: ensure state security, bring the war in the Donbass to an end, restore the territorial integrity – thus, to regain Kyiv’s control over the Donbass and Crimea, as well as where they were going to look for allies capable of providing support to Ukraine on the path to achieving the above-mentioned goals. An analysis of the elections programmes of each candidate will allow us to answer the questions. Attention was paid to the programme demands of those candidates who reeived at least a five per cent support in the presidential elections. Hence, the elections programmes of the participants of the second round of the elections, namely those of Volodymyr Zelensky, Petro Poroshenko, and also Yulia Tymoshenko, Yuriy Boyko, Anatoliy Hrytsenko, Ihor Smeshko as well as Oleh Lyashko, were subjected to analysis.
This article presents the impact of Latinos’ on American politics. Hispanic community living in the United States has become an important part of its society. Numbers describing Latinos are impressive as well as alarming. Data released by the U.S. Census shows a constant growth of Spanish‑speaking population in the USA. Because of these numbers, questions asked about the political power of Hispanics seem legitimate. However, Latinos do not fully use their electoral power. Their voter turnout is, among other issues, the main reason of their limited political influence. On the other hand, Hispanic activists are trying to show members of different Latino subgroups that their future in America depends on their political participation. The following article discusses these issues and shows the long way that Latinos have to go to become a real political power in the United States.
The article discusses the official presentations of the two most successful candidates of the first round of the presidential elections in the Czech Republic 2013, Karel Schwarzenberg and Miloš Zeman, from the perspective of the concepts of positive and negative political advertisement and the reflection of the election campaigns by Czech citizens. By the means of the framework and content analyses the topics and the most frequent words of the official (created by campaigns teams) materials are identified. The results are interpreted with regard to the attributes of positive and negative campaign. Using the statistical analysis of the data from public opinion survey by CVVM the Czech public’s reflection of the election campaigns is described. The results of the study indicate that we can denote Zeman’s campaign after the first round of the elections as a negative one. Zeman’s campaign has also proved to be more specific and memorable - by both, subjective evaluation of the respondents and the associations, connected with the candidates after the elections.
Political marketing tool is inherent in the business of politicians in contemporary reality. After 1989 there was a big change in the presentation of politicians. The mechanisms of the free economy has moved into the realm of politics. Created a system of competition and pluralism associated with the views, the modes of presentation, strategies action. Politicians niche (non-mainstream) try to use marketing tools to gain more social support, and ultimately achieve electoral success. This article attempts to examine the effectiveness of selected activities in the field of political marketing during election campaigns by candidates who are not counted among the favorites. The influence of marketing on the outcome of the election (a term depending on the direction and strength of these two variables). Working erected question: to what extent a successful electoral candidates niche (or failure) corresponds to the effective use of the tools of political marketing, and to what extent determine the other factors? The analysis was performed, examining ways of conducting election campaigns of candidates for presidents elected at different times (years 1990–2015). The study was based on a review of key elements of political marketing: strategy election results of surveys, image creation media, political public relations. An attempt was made to determine which of these tools (the use of) produces the best results. For better comparison and transparency of research results, all candidates were selected from among those not considered the favorite (niche, non-mainstream).
PL
Marketing polityczny stanowi nieodłączne narzędzie w działalności polityków we współczesnej rzeczywistości. Po 1989 roku nastąpiła duża zmiana w zakresie prezentacji polityków. Mechanizmy z wolnej gospodarki zostały przeniesione w sferę polityki. Wytworzył się system konkurencji i pluralizm związany z poglądami, sposobami prezentacji, strategiami działania. Politycy niszowi (spoza głównego nurtu) próbują wykorzystywać narzędzia marketingu, aby zdobyć większe poparcie społeczne, a w efekcie odnieść wyborczy sukces. Celem artykułu jest próba zbadania skuteczności wybranych działań z zakresu marketingu politycznego w trakcie prowadzenia kampanii wyborczych przez kandydatów, którzy nie są zaliczani do grona faworytów. Zbadano wpływ działań marketingowych na wynik wyborów (określenie kierunku i siły zależności wspomnianych dwóch zmiennych). Postawiono robocze pytanie: w jakim stopniu za sukces wyborczy kandydatów niszowych (lub porażkę) odpowiada skuteczne posługiwanie się narzędziami marketingu politycznego, a w jakim stopniu decydują o tym inne czynniki? Analizę wykonano, badając sposoby prowadzenia kampanii wyborczych wybranych kandydatów na prezydentów w różnym czasie (lata 1990–2015). Badanie przeprowadzono na podstawie przeglądu kluczowych elementów marketingu politycznego: strategii wyborczych, wyników sondażowych, kreacji wizerunku medialnego, politycznego public relations. Podjęto próbę określenia, które z tych narzędzi (jego wykorzystanie) przynosi najlepsze rezultaty. Dla lepszego porównania i transparentności wyników badań, wszyscy kandydaci zostali wybrani z grona osób nieuznawanych za faworytów (niszowych, spoza głównego nurtu).
The article analyses political opposition toward the date of presidential elections and conducting them in the correspondence form on May 10, 2020, in Poland. The study is embedded in the theories of quasi-militant democracy and the emergence of social movements. The method used in the study is the qualitative analysis of media messages of the main news websites in Poland. Mainly in terms of the activity and arguments of citizens against the elections in the form of correspondence. The presidential elections revealed the imperious relationship between the government and citizens in Poland’s becoming quasimilitant democracy. The emphasis was on the elements regarding the organisation of elections on May 10 that could impact a social movement’s emergence. The most significant role in stopping the May 10 elections was played by institutional opposition in the form of local self-governments’ civil disobedience and the Senate’s action, which efficiently blocked the party’s initiative. The article accounts for how election matters determined the social mobilisation and activity of the new social movement. This paper’s main finding is that institutional opposition may prevail over the social one in the pandemic.
The paper deals with specific links between presidential and parliamentary elections in contemporary France. The main goal is to demonstrate that the timing of the two types of political events is a significant factor preserving the configuration of a pro-presidential majority fact as one of the possible variants of French semi-presidentialism. This raises the question of the role of both elections as instruments for controlling the process of setting up a space of political rivalry that could be perceived as optimal from the viewpoint of ruling camps. The author analyses possibilities to provide the convergence of presidential and parliamentary elections under the conditions of a seven-year presidential term as well as after its shortening to five years in 2000. Hence, of particular importance is the impact of some mechanisms used in this field on the institutional logic of the French political system. Specific application of constitutional tools and some normative changes introduced in previous years cause the extent of the aforementioned control to be now much greater than in the first decades of the Fifth Republic. Looking at the convergence of both types of elections from the perspective of the evolution of the existing political system, the author argues that it is legitimate to divide the whole period of the Fifth Republic into three sub-periods: 1. the absence of electoral convergence (1958–1981); 2. partial electoral convergence (1981– –2002); full electoral convergence (since 2002). Due to the acceptance of the pro-presidential paradigm, the latter formula is now definitely preferred and supported by legal regulations, which affects the flexibility of French semi-presidentialism (significantly reduced, but not fully eliminated, probability of cohabitation).
The aim of the article was to present factors that determined voting behaviour of citizens in national elections in 2015 in the perspective of party and personal attitudes of the interviewees. Except for presenting conclusions that result from the course of the research process in the aforementioned range, also the elements that could have affected eventual responses of the interviewees were indicated. These include changes at the position of PO (civic platform) leaders, appearance of new political entities (Ryszard Petru’s Nowoczesna, Together Party, Kukiz’15), or unification processes on the political right, and partially on the left. Personal conflicts and ways of conducting the campaign that could have affected attitudes of voters were also indicated.
Współczesne kampanie polityczne muszą sprawnie operować zarówno tradycyjnymi środkami przekazu, jak i nowymi mediami, by ich kandydat mógł wygrać. Rozwój social mediów pozwala nawiązać relację z wyborcą, poprzez możliwość udostępniania oraz interakcji kontentu udostępnianego przez kandydata. W dzisiejszych czasach, z pomocą internetu, kandydat może poświęcić mniejszą ilość pieniędzy oraz czasu na kampanię, jednocześnie mając dostęp do szerszej bazy potencjalnych wyborców. Warto jednak pamiętać, że internet jest nowym wynalazkiem, a na początku XXI wieku jedynie odrobinę ponad 50% Amerykanów miało do niego codzienny dostęp. Celem artykułu jest sprawdzenie w jaki sposób kandydaci w wyborach prezydenckich w Stanach Zjednoczonych próbowali zachęcić wyborców do swojej kandydatury poprzez użycie internetu; co więcej, artykuł zadaje pytanie jaki typ wyborcy korzystał z internetu w XX wieku oraz jakiego typu kandydaci mieli największe szanse na zdobycie ich poparcia.
EN
Modern political campaigns in the United States need to combine the use of traditional and new media in order to let the candidate win. The emergement of social media allowed the campaign staffs to create a bond with the voter, through sharing and evaluating the content uploaded by the candidate. Nowadays, with the help of the internet, candidate is able to spend less time and money on the campaign, while interacting with a much bigger number of followers. The internet, however, is a rather new invention and only in the 21st century more than 50% of Americans started to use it on a daily basis. The study aims at determining how did the presidential candidates in the United States try to attract the voter with the help of the World Wide Web – what is more, it’s goal is to answer what kind of voter used the internet back in the 20th century and what kind of candidate would have the biggest chance to attract him.
Cet article analyse et compare l’évolution de la langue et du vocabulaire des leaders politiques de Lituanie et de France en s’appuyant sur l’étude des élections présidentielles en Lituanie et en France entre 1992 et 2009. Nous essayons de répondre aux questions liées à la construction personnelle (ethos) discursive à travers une analyse quantitative et qualificative de la langue : Quels sont les rapports entre les mots-clés et le contexte ?, Comment le discours politique a-t-il évolué dans les deux pays ?, Quelles sont les particularités personnelles dans l’emploi des mots-clés et des thèmes discursifs ? Dans cet article, nous nous limitons à l’étude des interventions officielles, consécutives à l’annonce des résultats des élections.
EN
This article analyzes and compares the evolution of the language and the vocabulary of political leaders during the presidential elections in France and Lithuania from 1992 to 2009. We try to understand questions related to the construction of the self (ethos gr.) by language: how the context and key-words have changed during last 20 years, what is the evolution of political discourse in both countries, what is the influence of political system on the construction of image, what are personal differences concerning the use of a word or phrase by political? It is based on the analysis of official speeches.
Wybory prezydenckie na Białorusi w 2015 roku posiadały niedemokratyczny charakter. Ponownie na prezydenta wybrano Aleksandra Łukaszenkę. Opozycja polityczna nie potrafiła wypracować spójnej strategii wyborczej. Nie powiodły się również próby konsolidacji środowisk demokratycznych oraz wystawienia wspólnego kandydata. Wybory prezydenckie przebiegały pod pełną kontrolą reżimu i według wcześniej sprawdzonego schematu. W odróżnieniu od poprzednich wyborów prezydenckich w 2010 roku, reżim nie zdecydował się na masowe represje powyborcze. Spokojny przebieg wyborów prezydenckich w 2015 roku ułatwił Białorusi podjęcie dialogu politycznego ze strukturami zachodnimi (UE, RE, OBWE).
EN
Presidential elections in Belarus in 2015 did not follow democratic standards. Once again Aleksandr Lukashenko was elected a president. The political opposition was not able to develop a consistent election strategy. Attempts to consolidate the democratic circles and put forward one candidate also failed. The presidential elections were fully controlled by the regime and went according to the previously proved scheme. Contrary to the previous presidential elections in 2010, the regime did not decide to launch a campaign of mass post-election repressions. The quiet presidentialelections in 2015 facilitated for Belarus an initiation of a political dialogue with Western structures (EU, EC and OSCE).
As relações entre a religião e a política não são e nunca foram no contexto brasileiro uma situação nova ou surpreendente. Mas, o que se pretende mostrar no artigo, essas relações estão se tornando cada vez mais fortes desde o apa¬re¬cimento na esfera pública das igrejas neopentecostais engajadas diretamente na política interna do país. Baseando-se na análise dos acontecimentos da campanha eleitoral do ano de 2010, a autora mostra como a religião no Brasil tornou-se uma “questão quente” nas disputas dos presidenciáveis pelo poder.
EN
The relations between religion and politics are neither new nor surprising in the Brazilian context. However, what the author shows in the article, they have been becoming stronger and more and more visible since the time when new Pentecostal churches, involved directly in the domestic politics, appeared in the public sphere of Brazil. Basing on the analysis of the presidential campaign in 2010, the author shows how religion in Brazil became a “hot issue” in the candidates’ dispute for power.
The principal aim of this article is to explain the specificity of the requirement for a spatial distribution of votes in presidential elections – an institution that has existed in Nigeria since 1979 and in Indonesia since 2001. It also seeks to describe the political conditions which contributed to that institution’s introduction and functioning in those two countries. The article will end with a comparison between the two cases, including a discussion of the present differences between them. The article will also contain a preliminary appraisal of whether the existence of the requirement in question is helping to reduce the level of conflictive behaviour in relations between ethnic groups in the multi-ethnic societies of Nigeria and Indonesia
The aim of the paper was to analyse the socio-economic platforms of the two major candidates running for Poland’s presidency in 2015. Comparative, institutional-legal and decision-based methods were used in the study to lay out different concepts of socio-economic policies for Poland in the election platforms of Bronisław Komorowski and Andrzej Duda. An attempt was made to present the possibilities of implementing the election platforms of the two candidates and to assess to what extent it affected the outcome of the election.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza społeczno-gospodarczych programów dwóch – o największych szansach wyborczych – kandydatów na prezydenta Polski w 2015 roku. Wykorzystując metodę porównawczą, instytucjonalno-prawną i decyzyjną, przedstawiono różne koncepcje polityki społeczno-gospodarczej Polski w programach Bronisława Komorowskiego i Andrzeja Dudy. Podjęto próbę ukazania możliwości realizacji programów wyborczych kandydatów oraz oceny, w jakim zakresie miały one wpływ na wynik wyborów.
The article analyzes the linguistic means of persuasion used in the statements of the candidates for the office of the President of Poland in the elections of 2020. The source selected was excerpts from election programs broadcast television during the election campaign lasting until June 26, 2020. The method of linguistic analysis of the lexical and grammar planes was used as the source with a particular emphasis on persuasive means implementing 4 rhetorical mechanisms according to Stanisław Barańczak.
PL
W artykule poddano analizie jakościowej językowe środki perswazji i figury retoryczne wykorzystywane w wypowiedziach kandydatów na urząd prezydenta Polski w wyborach z 2020 r. Jako źródło wybrano fragmenty audycji wyborczych nadawanych w telewizji podczas kampanii wyborczej trwającej do 26 czerwca 2020 r. Zastosowano metodę analizy lingwistycznej płaszczyzn: leksykalnej i gramatycznej, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem środków perswazyjnych realizujących 4 mechanizmy retoryczne według Stanisława Barańczaka. Analiza zebranego materiału wykazała szczególną popularność takich środków perswazyjnych, jak: definicja retoryczna, mały i wielki kwantyfikator, pytanie retoryczne i antyteza. Mogą one służyć uruchamianiu kilku mechanizmów retorycznych, mogą też być dominujące w przypadku jednego, jak np. antyteza, która uruchamia przede wszystkim mechanizm symplifikacji rozkładu wartości.
Rozpowszechnianie się wirusa SARS-CoV-2 w Polsce i w konsekwencji wprowadzenie 20 marca 2020 r. stanu epidemii wpłynęło na podjęcie decyzji o nieprzeprowadzeniu zaplanowanych na 10 maja 2020 r. wyborów Prezydenta RP. W związku z tym, w obliczu obiektywnych trudności w organizacji wyborów, wyznaczono nowy termin przeprowadzenia głosowania, przypadający na 28 czerwca 2020 r. W związku z panującą globalną pandemią wybory Prezydenta RP zarządzone w 2020 r. z możliwością głosowania korespondencyjnego, zostały przeprowadzone i przygotowane w wyjątkowych okolicznościach. Mając to na uwadze, w niniejszym artykule przedstawiono szereg różnych problemów, a nawet ograniczeń praw wyborczych przyznawanych każdemu wyborcy, które stały się konsekwencją wprowadzonych bez pogłębionej analizy, często w pośpiechu, rozwiązań prawnych.
EN
The spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus in Poland and, consequently, the introduction of the epidemic on March 20, 2020, influenced the decision not to hold the election of the President of the Republic of Poland scheduled for May 10, 2020. Therefore, in the face of objective difficulties in the organization of elections, a new voting deadline was set on June 28, 2020. Due to the prevailing global pandemic, the elections for the President of the Republic of Poland, ordered in 2020 with the possibility of postal voting, were conducted and prepared in exceptional circumstances. With this in mind, this article presents a number of various problems, and even limitations, of the electoral rights granted to each voter, which have become a consequence of the legal solutions introduced without in-depth analysis, often in a hurry. 1
In 2011, direct presidential elections were introduced in the Czech Republic. The Author examines how this changed the position of the President of the Republic. The prevailing opinion among constitutionalists is that direct elections are an element of creating a strong position of the president in a democratic system, and the president elected in this way should have broad powers and play an important role in the political system of the country. Analyzing the provisions of the constitution and the political activity of the presidents of the Czech Republic, the Author concludes that, contrary to this thesis, the Czech legislator decided to balance the strong legitimacy of direct elections with a limited catalog of competences. This happened because the change in the way the president was elected was a political project, and not the result of a substantive debate on the constitutional order.
PL
W 2011 r. w Republice Czeskiej wprowadzono bezpośrednie wybory prezydenckie. Autor bada jak zmieniło to pozycję prezydenta Republiki. Wśród konstytucjonalistów przeważa teza, że wybory bezpośrednie są elementem budowy silnej pozycji prezydenta w ustroju demokratycznym, a wybrany w ten sposób prezydent powinien mieć szerokie kompetencje i odgrywać istotną rolę w systemie politycznym danego państwa. Analizując przepisy konstytucji oraz aktywność polityczną prezydentów Republiki Czeskiej, autor uznaje, że wbrew tej tezie, czeski ustawodawca zdecydował się zrównoważyć silną legitymację wyborów powszechnych ograniczonym katalogiem kompetencji. Stało się tak, ponieważ zmiana sposobu wyboru prezydenta była projektem politycznym, a nie efektem merytorycznej debaty nad porządkiem konstytucyjnym.
The aim of this article is to explain the institution of spatial vote distribution requirement in presidential elections that exists only in three multi-ethnic states: Nigeria (since 1979), Kenya (since 1992), and Indonesia (since 2001). To become a president in any of these states, a candidate who wins majority or plurality of votes in the elections also has to gain their minimal number (e.g. at least 20%) in more than half of their main administrative units. In the article, the main premises and multi-ethnic political context for applying this institution are identifi ed, as well as differences between all three cases indicated in detail. In the final part, the hitherto experience of employing this institution is evaluated.
PL
Głównym celem tego artykułu jest wyjaśnienie, na czym polega specyfika instytucji wymogu uzyskania terytorialnego rozłożenia głosów w wyborach prezydenckich, istniejącego w: Nigerii od 1979 r., Kenii od 1992 r. i Indonezji od 2001 r., oraz określenie panujących w tych państwach warunków politycznych, które przyczyniły się do jej wprowadzenia i trwania. W końcowej części artykułu, dzięki porównaniu wszystkich trzech kazusów, wskazane zostaną szczegółowe różnice występujące obecnie między nimi. W artykule zostaną również zaprezentowane wnioski dotyczące dotychczasowych doświadczeń związanych z funkcjonowaniem przedmiotowej instytucji. Pozwolą one wstępnie ocenić, czy uprawnione jest stwierdzenie, że jej zastosowanie wpływa na obniżenie znaczenia konfliktowych zachowań w relacjach między grupami etnicznymi i na budowanie międzyetnicznej akomodacji w wymienionych państwach.
The text analyzes the image of Andrzej Duda on the Tvp.info portal before the first round of the presidential elections in 2020. The author referred to the theory of social influence formulated by Robert Cialdini, which states that in some situations people act in a simplified manner and automatically react to specific stimulus. In the texts analyzed was found one example of the rule of involvement and consistency. Not once did the analyzed texts contain the principles of liking and inaccessibility. In seven of the studied publications was found none of the rules of exerting social influence. In the vast majority of texts which stated the existence of rules of exerting social influence, was observed agitation in favor of the president seeking re-election.
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