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Prezydencjalizacja zachowań wyborczych w elekcji parlamentarnej w 2015 roku

100%
Peszyński W.
Political Preferences
|
2016
|
issue 12
37-55
EN
In this article the author analyses the process by means of the quantitative and proportional distribution of answers regarding two questions. The first one concerns the leader effect and the second the social approval for television debates participated by the leaders of the two major political parties (the questions can be found next to the tables presenting the results of the study). In the research under consideration were used the same questions as in 2012 and 2013, when no nation-wide election was organized. The comparison of the results gathered in those “election-free” years and in 2015, when two important votings (presidential and parliamentary) took place may bring particularly interesting conclusions.
2
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Prezydencjalizacja zachowań elektoratu w 2013 roku na tle porównawczym z poprzednim sezonem „niewyborczym”

100%
Peszyński W.
Political Preferences
|
2014
|
issue 8
11-27
EN
In 2012 and 2013, in Poland, did not take place any national election. It was excellent perspective to lead comparison research. The subject of this article is presidentialization of electoral preferences. This process depends on situation, when style of parliamentary campaign has become similarly like presidential election and people focus on parties leaders competition. Usually presidentialisation increased without any changes of election rules. The Author focuses on two aspects: determinantes of decisions in potential parliamentary elections and opinion connected with organizing television debates during campaigns. In the article were compared preferences among electoral five main Polish parties. Results of the polls were compared with effects previous surveys (in 2012), which included two the same questions about presidentialisation. First question (about presidentialisation) apply to determinates of decision in potential parliamentary election. In every parties electoral more respondents choose ‘party option’ than ‘leader variant’. The most questioned, who show party leader, find among Law and Justice (PiS) electoral (26,2 per cent). It could be predicted, because JarosławKaczyński (PiS president) is main party symbol and predominant person inside the organization. As surprise can be treated preferences of Civil Platform (PO) electoral. Here value of this ratings reveal 18,3 per cent. In comparison to previous survey (in 2012) it signifies decline about 2,4 per cent. Donald Tusk (the prime minister and PO leader) is the most important component of this party and his attitude was main factor of the winning of two last parliamentary elections (2007 and 2011). Second question apply to organization television debates in every elections. Among electoral every parties find more followers than oppositionists this solution. However in comparison this results to previous polls we can conclude about decrease amount of supporter this postulate. In reality, debates became important element of campaign if politicians understand a role of this issues. But presently political parties and public opinion are not interested in this issue.
3
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Prezydencjalizacja zachowań elektoratu w roku „niewyborczym” 2012

100%
Peszyński W.
Political Preferences
|
2013
|
issue 6
75-90
EN
It is the first time when the edition of social research ‘Political Preference’, was carried in a year without election. It determines certain electoral attitudes, because the mass media do not influence society and voters do not take tactical decision. In consequence, the results of this research are different from the ones during real election, because these decisions have to be treated like potential ones. The author decided to continue research, which began in 2010. Therefore, electorate behavior could be compared between campaign period and ‘off year election’. Apart from party leaders influencing the campaign, this article includes research results concerning television debate. Both problems are the main components of presidentialization. In the first issue prominent majority of questioned chose the party ideology as the main determinant of potential decisions. This conclusion is different from the previous research. This can be the main information in explaining political phenomena or processes. However, what is needed here is an appropriate distance, because in this survey the author changed answers rotation. Apart from that we have to remember about research period - ‘off year election’. Although television debates have not been permanent component all campaigns, Polish electorate supports this idea. Over 78 per cent of researches would like to organize a debate between two main parties leaders before every elections. However, we cannot look foreword to lead this idea in the Election Code, because neither society nor politicians will insist on institutionalizing this idea.
4

Presidentialization of Parliamentary Election. The Case of Polish Election of 2015

72%
Peszyński W.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
|
2016
|
vol. 8(44)
|
issue 1
87-105
PL
Problemem podjętym w niniejszym artykule jest upodabnianie się elekcji parlamentarnych do prezydenckich. Celem artykułu jest zbadanie stopnia upodobnienia się polskich wyborów do Sejmu z 2015 r. Do próby zaliczono osiem komitetów, które zarejestrowały listy we wszystkich 41 okręgach wyborczych (PiS, PO, Kukiz ’15, Nowoczesna Ryszarda Petru, Zjednoczona Lewica, PSL, KORWiN oraz Partia Razem). Z uwagi na fakt, że realne szanse na zostanie w 2015 r. premierem mieli kandydaci dwóch największych partii, największa uwaga została skoncentrowana na kampanii PiS i PO. Badanie obejmuje okres czterech ostatnich tygodni kampanii wyborczej. Analizę oparto na sześciu płaszczyznach: (1) cele wyborów (2) nominacje kandydatów, (3) główny produkt kampanii, (4) strategia wyborcza, (5) relacjonowanie kampanii przez środki społecznego przekazu oraz (6) figura przeciwnika.
EN
The aim of this article is to examine to what extent the Polish parliamentary election of 2015 adopted features typical of the presidential ones. The author takes into consideration 8 committees that registered their lists in all the 41 voting constituencies (Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Kukiz ’15, Modern of Ryszard Petru, United Left, Polish People’s Party, KORWiN and Razem Party). Due to the fact that only the leading candidates of the Civic Platform (PO) and the Law and Justice (PiS) had a real chance to become the Prime Minister, the study will focus on these two major political parties. The analysis will concentrate on the last four weeks of the campaign and is conducted at six levels: (1) the aim of the election, (2) the nomination of candidates, (3) the main product of the campaign, (4) the campaign strategy, (5) the reports of the mass media and (6) the figure of the opponent.
5
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Presidentialisation on the executive arena at the local level? The case of Norway 1992–2012

72%
Jacobsen D. I., Skollevold A. S.
Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance
|
2016
|
issue 1(35)
7-19
EN
It is empirically contested whether the phenomenon of presidentialisation, i.e. the concentration of power around the leading political positions in non-presidential systems, is taking place or not. This study sets out to investigate whether presidentialisation on the executive arena takes place in a collegial political system, more specifically in Norwegian municipalities. Using several independent empirical data in the period from 1992 to 2012, the main conclusion is that there are few traces of presidentialisation on the Norwegian local level. However, there are tendencies towards political concentration in the sense that political power is centralised in the political elite. Rather than presidentialisation or centralisation of power around one position, this can be regarded as an institutional centralisation of power.
PL
Dowody empiryczne świadczące o zjawisku prezydencjalizacji, tj. koncentracji władzy wokół kluczowych stanowisk politycznych w systemach innych niż prezydencki, są niejednoznaczne. Prezentowane badanie omawia kwestię prezydencjalizacji w odniesieniu do władzy wykonawczej w systemie politycznym opartym o zasadę kolegialności, przede wszystkim na przykładzie gmin norweskich. Niezależne dane empiryczne z różnych źródeł dla lat 1992–2012 wskazują, że na szczeblu lokalnym w Norwegii występują nieliczne oznaki prezydencjalizacji. Widoczne są natomiast tendencje zmierzające do koncentracji politycznej w znaczeniu skupienia władzy w rękach elity politycznej. Zjawisko to można uznać raczej za instytucjonalną centralizację władzy niż za prezydencjalizację lub skupienie władzy w jednym stanowisku.
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