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1
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Russian Non-Systemic Opposition as an Enemy in pro-Kremlin Media

100%
Nadskakuła-Kaczmarczyk O.
Studia Politologiczne
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2017
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vol. 44
307-320
EN
This article tries to shed light on strategies and methods used by pro-Kremlin media to depreciate non-systemic opposition. One of the huge problem for Russian non-systemic opposition is a lack of pluralism in Russian official media and thus its inability to present point of view which are opposed to the government one. The government controls all of the national te levision networks and many radio and print outl ets. These media effectively serve as instruments for Kremlin propaganda, which show a negative e image of Russian opposition calling its leaders “traitors” or “fifth column”.
2
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Działania psychologiczno-dezinformacyjne rosyjskich służb specjalnych

100%
Bień-Kacała A., Kacała T.
Studia Politologiczne
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2017
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vol. 43
148-164
EN
The key elements of Russian Psychological and Information Operations include disinformation and propaganda activities. Disinformation refers to a type of information which is, in fact, its opposite. Whereas propaganda is associated with the practice of lying to the whole of society by the state authorities, particularly functioning in totalitarian states. Russian Psychological and Information Operations have a long tradition dating back to Soviet Russia and are currently an extremely effective tool for the implementation of foreign and internal policy applied by the government of the Russian Federation. The Russian armed forces have developed extended capabilities in this regard.
3
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Elementy propagandy w życiu publicznym

100%
Dela P.
Studia Politologiczne
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2019
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vol. 54
68-95
EN
The chapter presents the most important element of propaganda used as a tool to create attitudes in society. The environmental determinants of information were identified and the scope of information security responsibilities was presented, taking into account such areas as information security, information warfare, disinformation. The main focus was on identifying the components of propaganda, the scheme by which it is implemented, and its socio- historical and cultural determinants. The most important techniques of manipulation used in propaganda as well as the way of identifying propaganda campaigns are presented.
4
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Rosyjska ofensywa propagandowa. Casus Ukrainy

88%
Włodkowska-Bagan A.
Studia Politologiczne
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2018
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vol. 49
109-124
EN
The subject of Russian propaganda offensive is important and worth examining for several reasons: firstly, it concerns states that Poland borders with and are important in its foreign and security policy; secondly, Poland is exposed to the Russian propaganda and the level of social awareness of it is low; thirdly, there is visible intensification since 2013 of Russian informative and cultural offensive, not only towards Ukraine, but also towards member states of the EU and NATO, so towards Poland too. Propaganda offensive is conducted by Russia by wide array of means and methods, including “the Russian Word” concept, method of creation the enemies, creating its own narration and its popularization through the Russian mass media and the Russians and Russian-speaking minority living in Ukraine. The aim of the article is not only the analysis of Russian propaganda towards Ukraine, the state that is crucial for Russian reintegration and neoimperial projects, but also the analysis of counteroffensive actions taken by Kyiv.
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Роль державних нагород у процесі формування вітчизняної політичної свідомості та культури

75%
Пахолок В.
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
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2017
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vol. 7
245-253
EN
It was examined state awards as a resource of influence on the process of formation of political consciousness and culture. It was revealed the specificity of the use of state awards in the national political and cultural practice. The niche of state awards institutionally is in the structure of political symbols, and therefore entirely covers the functions of political symbols. Communication means, control and cognitive function is distinguished among the most significant general-symbolic functions. However, state awards have their inherent and own functions: political, stimulating, ideological, social, symbolic, diplomatic. It was found out that the modern domestic awards practice has traditional affinity with the period of Soviet statehood which left a significant political and cultural imprint, although work on the creation of the national awards system in Ukraine began immediately after proclamation of independence. State awards obtained their legal definition on March 16, 2000 with the adoption of the Law of Ukraine "On State Awards of Ukraine". By that time a rather holistic system of distinctions has already been formed which could mark the merits of almost all spheres of public life. This law distinguishes such types of awards: Hero of Ukraine title; order; medal; nominal firearms award; honorary title of Ukraine; state prize of Ukraine; presidential award. The title of the Hero of Ukraine is the highest degree of distinction, its assignment, depending on the grounds, includes the awarding of an order of the "Golden Star" - for doing a prominent heroic act, or an order of the state - for outstanding work achievements. Often, presenting of state awards is an artificial attempt to create a cause for strengthening the social image of the government among the public, and in particular the wide range of awardees. So, six medals out of ten in Ukraine are commemorative and jubilee. Typically, the number of people presented by them is measured by hundreds or even by thousands. They are presented not for a particular merit, but as a reminder that the authorities are aware of pre-committed heroic deeds or events and persons involved in them. At the same time such awards represent a form of historical memory, contribute to emphasizing certain events of the past. In general the use of state awards as a mechanism of ranking political and historical priorities is a widespread world practice. In this context the Polish "East Cross" award is a sign of gratitude, respect and memory for those people who helped the Poles who were persecuted because of their nationality in the East in the years 1937-1959. The initiators of the award introduction focused on the award Yad Vashem - "Righteous among the Nations". The political and cultural orientation of state awards is also seen in the nomination of state awards. There are four state awards: Taras Shevchenko National Prize of Ukraine, State Prize of Ukraine in the field of architecture, Oleksandr Dovzhenko State Prize of Ukraine, State Prize of Ukraine in the field of education are oriented at leaders who are capable by virtue of their profession to convey a certain ideology to the society. And only the State Prize of Ukraine in the field of science and technology allows nomination of representatives of other professions. Each system of state awards under the condition of well-balanced domestic policy is formed in accordance with the strategic directions of social development and coordinates the demands of the society with the state interests. The lack of such coordination can cause a crisis of legitimacy of awards and as a consequence - distrust of state institutions, doubt in correctness of public policy and social justice. The authority of state awards and accordingly their positive influence on the political consciousness of society greatly undermine misunderstandings that arise periodically around their awarding. So, despite significant cultural devaluation, state awards are not only a political symbol, an attribute of the country, stimulus for hard work and an effective resource of influence on formation of political consciousness. With proper information campaign, schooling and education, the positive effect of this resource can be strengthened in times. Qualitative visualization of award procedures should be ensured by using the potential of political rituals with broad involvement of the media. Presenting with high state awards must be the subject of television shows and be displayed in systematically adjusted social advertising.
6
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Joseph Browne: Literature and Politics in Early Eighteenth Century England

75%
Kozak K.
Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies
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2019
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issue 28/1
35-48
EN
The system of propaganda employed by the competing political groups in early eight- eenth century England embraced the popular literary circles in order to gain their support, a process which was reflected in the prolific and politically inclined literary output of the period. One of the lesser known members of these circles was the writer and physi- cian Joseph Browne. Little information concerning Browne is available, something which perhaps can be attributed to the relatively scant attention paid to his person. One critic, Howard Weinbrot, in his study on Samuel Johnson, acknowledged Browne as the author of the poem “The Gothick Hero” (so far only accredited to Browne) and associated his political views with support for the Hanoverian dynasty that ascended the British throne in 1714. However, the works Browne actually authored, as well as those attributed to him, contradict such a statement. In fact, his literary output, journalism, literary and political circles as well as his posthumous opinion reflected in nineteenth century works and com- ments on his literary activity prove Browne’s anti-Harleyite, anti-Whig and therefore anti- Hanoverian views. This article attempts to draw a sketch of Joseph Browne, confirming the constancy of his political views, and contributes to the discussion on the authorship of a number of key texts hitherto only attributed to him.
7
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Wątpliwe odrodzenie Polski. Akt 5 listopada w propagandzie wizualnej stron walczących

51%
Szlanta P.
Miscellanea Historico-Archivistica
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2017
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vol. 24
143-152
EN
The issuing of the 5th Of November Act (also called Two Emperors Act) in 1916 was further evidence of the total character of the First World War. All participants of the war desperately tried to overcome a deadlock in trench warfare. What is not astonishing, following the general line of their policy, both belligerent camps interpreted this document completely differently. This was refl ected in cartoons as well. Propagandists of the Central Powers presented the decision of both emperors as an act of historical importance, proof of the selfl ess friendship of its authors towards Poles. On the other side, Entente Powers saw in the 5th Of November Act an illegal and cynical attempt to cheat Poles and force them to join the military efforts of the Central Powers.
PL
Ogłoszenie Aktu 5 listopada 1916 r stanowiło kolejny przejaw totalizacji Wielkiej Wojny, w której strony walczące intensywnie szukały wszelkich sposobów wyjścia z impasu jaki zapanował na frontach. Co nie jest zaskakujące, obie strony konfliktu przyjęły odrębną, zgodną z ich interesami i prowadzoną polityką interpretację dokumentu, co znalazło wyraz także w ikonografii. Propagandziści państw centralnych przedstawili decyzję Wilhelma II i Franciszka Józefa I jako akt o charakterze dziejowym, ogłoszony w imię bezinteresownej przyjaźni dla Polski. Z kolei ententa upatrywała w nim bezprawną i cyniczną próbę oszukania Polaków i przymusowego wprzęgnięcia ich w militarny wysiłek Niemiec i Austro-Węgier.
8
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Wątpliwe odrodzenie Polski. Akt 5 listopada w propagandzie wizualnej stron walczących

51%
Szlanta P.
Miscellanea Historico-Archivistica
|
2017
|
issue 24
143-152
PL
Ogłoszenie Aktu 5 listopada 1916 r stanowiło kolejny przejaw totalizacji Wielkiej Wojny, w której strony walczące intensywnie szukały wszelkich sposobów wyjścia z impasu jaki zapanował na frontach. Co nie jest zaskakujące, obie strony konfliktu przyjęły odrębną, zgodną z ich interesami i prowadzoną polityką interpretację dokumentu, co znalazło wyraz także w ikonografii. Propagandziści państw centralnych przedstawili decyzję Wilhelma II i Franciszka Józefa I jako akt o charakterze dziejowym, ogłoszony w imię bezinteresownej przyjaźni dla Polski. Z kolei ententa upatrywała w nim bezprawną i cyniczną próbę oszukania Polaków i przymusowego wprzęgnięcia ich w militarny wysiłek Niemiec i Austro-Węgier.
EN
The issuing of the 5th Of November Act (also called Two Emperors Act) in 1916 was further evidence of the total character of the First World War. All participants of the war desperately tried to overcome a deadlock in trench warfare. What is not astonishing, following the general line of their policy, both belligerent camps interpreted this document completely differently. This was refl ected in cartoons as well. Propagandists of the Central Powers presented the decision of both emperors as an act of historical importance, proof of the selfl ess friendship of its authors towards Poles. On the other side, Entente Powers saw in the 5th Of November Act an illegal and cynical attempt to cheat Poles and force them to join the military efforts of the Central Powers.
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