Search results

1

Демократическая самоорганизация. Мобилизация во время «цветных революций»

100%

Шукуралиева Н.

Studia Politologiczne

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2018

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vol. 48

96-108

EN

Color revolutions in the post-Soviet space were characterized by a high level of public participation and funding from external sources. Despite the important role of international actors, the key factors in the success of color revolutions were internal factors. The present article analyzes the mobilization of youth movements. The actions taken by these movements were an important impetus for the activation of the social claims. Their goal was to disclose the facts of electoral fraud, the formation of a sense of citizenship, to promote the union of various social groups, and, finally, the preparation for protest activity.

2

Rozpoznawanie protestów przez Kongresowe Biuro Obrachunkowe - postępowanie o udzielenie zamówienia publicznego w USA

80%

Kwiatkowski W.

Kontrola Państwowa

|

2013

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vol. 58

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issue 6 (353)

91-107

EN

In the United States, the Congress has authorised bid protests in recognition of their role in providing redress to disappointed bidders and in ensuring the integrity of the federal procurement process. By statute, three forums have authority to hear bid protests against the federal government: the procuring agency, the Government Accountability Office (GAO), and the Court of Federal Claims. The article discusses the issues that may be protested with GAO (i.e. possible grounds of protest), who and when may file a protest, who else can be a party in these protests, when GAO must render its final decision on the protest, and other potential conditions in such cases. The article also presents possible resolutions of these protests and legal effects of GAO’s nonbinding recommendations. At the end of the article, the author gives some bid protest statistics, as well as core advantages and disadvantages of this procedure.

3

Strajk robotników łódzkich w lutym 1971 roku

80%

Lesiakowski K.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2002

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issue 1

133-142

4

Wydarzenia grudniowe 1970 roku poza Wybrzeżem

80%

Balbus T., Kamiński Ł.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

|

2002

|

issue 1

143-160

5

Between fallacy and feasibility? Dealing with the risk of ecological fallacies in the quantitative study of protest mobilization and conflict

70%

Demarest L., Langer A., Mueleman B.

ASK. Research and Methods

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2019

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vol. 28

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issue 1

21-42

EN

In recent years, the quantitative study of conflict has increasingly focused on small-scale and/or localized conflicts in the developing world. In this paper, we analyze and critically reflect upon a major methodological shortcoming of many studies in this field of research. We argue that by using group- or macro-level empirical data and modelling techniques, while at the same time theoretically underpinning observed empirical associations with individual-level mechanisms, many of these studies risk committing an ecological fallacy. The individual-level mechanism on which many studies rely concerns the presence of grievances which mobilize people to participate in contentious politics. This motivational approach was also present in early studies on protest mobilization in Western societies, which often relied on similar research designs. However, subsequent advances in this literature and the use of methods that were targeted more directly at the individual level uncovered that grievances alone cannot explain mobilization and that organizational capabilities and complex psychological mechanisms of belonging also form part of the puzzle. While drawing on conflict events as well as survey data from Africa, we demonstrate empirically that here, as well, inferring micro-level relations and dynamics from macro-level empirical models can lead to erroneous interpretations and inferences. Hence, we argue that to improve our understanding of conflict mobilization in the developing world, especially for conflicts with low levels of violence, it is necessary to substantially expand our methodological toolbox beyond macro-level analyses.

6

Wydarzenia czerwcowe w Poznaniu w Polskiej Kronice Filmowej

70%

Romaniak J.

Our Europe. Ethnography – Ethnology – Anthropology of Culture

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2017

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issue Vol. 6

87-96

EN

The purpose of the article is to present the propaganda view of the Polish communist authorities on the events in Poznań on 28 June 1956 by means of the Polish Chronicle. Polish Film Chronicle was one of the elements of political propaganda in the Polish People’s Republic. The picture of Poznań June ‘56, which is shown in three fragments of the chronicle, can bethat emerges from three fragments of the chronicle, can be described as falsified. Many facts have been changed. Apart from the analysis of three excerpts from chronicles directly related to the Poznań 1956 protests there was also the analysis of the social situation at that time. The article also describes alternative topics that were to cover Poznań 1956 protests.

7

Predylekcje polityczne a formy oporu pomorskiego duchowieństwa wobec obchodów imienin Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego w latach 1933-1935

70%

Węsierski A.

Studia Pelplińskie

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2013

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vol. 46

251-260

EN

The Pomeranian Catholic clergy rejected the official celebration of the Marshal’s feast on the 19th March because this is one of the major solemnities in the Church, namely the Commemoration of St Joseph. However, some of the priests who maintained a much more favorable attitude towards Piłsudski’s name-day celebrations followed the example of the Church hierarchy and were taking part in it. Numerous priests (especially those whose political predilections were with the National Party) decided to protest against the spread of the official ‘cult’ and the legendary portrayal of the Marshal on his name day. Some of them, trying to sidestep the embarrassing situations, transferred the liturgical Commemoration of Saint Joseph to another day. There were many Pomeranian priests who did their best to prevent the Catholic youth from taking part in the official meetings. In some parishes where the pastors were political adversaries of Piłsudski the celebrations in memorial of Joseph Wrycza and Joseph Haller had a very ostentatious form. Numerous parish priests rejected the requests to celebrate the Holy Mass for the intention of the Marshal. This may be explained by the fact that the vast majority of pastors opted for the anti-Piłsudski political opposition. Some of the clergy, like Józef Wrycza or Paweł Konitzer, were even active supporters of the National Party.

8

“The yellow duck” attacks: An analysis of the activities of the “Ne da(vi)mo Beograd” initiative in the Serbian public space

61%

Domachowska A.

Slavia Meridionalis

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2019

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vol. 19

EN

“The yellow duck” attacks: An analysis of the activities of the “Ne da(vi)mo Beograd” initiative in the Serbian public spaceThe main aim of the paper is to present the performative dimension of activities undertaken by the “Ne da(vi)mo Beograd” Initiative. The Initiative’s actions, which initially concerned opposition to the “Belgrade on Water” project, turned into a regular political campaign. These activities clearly illustrate contemporary ways of managing civil opposition, as well as performative practices aimed at creating a civil society. The focus is on verbal and non-verbal practices of expressing resistance, as well as strategies for building a sense of community among the participants of the Initiative’s gatherings. „Żółta kaczka” atakuj. Aanaliza działalności inicjatywy „Ne da(vi)mo Beograd” w serbskiej przestrzeni publicznejCelem artykułu jest przedstawienie performatywnego wymiaru działań podejmowanych przez inicjatywę „Ne da(vi)mo Beograd”. Akcje inicjatywy, początkowo związane ze sprzeciwem wobec projektu „Belgrad na wodzie”, przerodziły się w regularną kampanię polityczną. Działania te dobrze ilustrują współczesne sposoby zarządzania sprzeciwem obywatelskim, a także praktyki performatywne mające na celu tworzenie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. W centrum zainteresowania znajdują się werbalne i niewerbalne praktyki wyrażania oporu, a także strategie budowania poczucia wspólnotowości wśród uczestników zgromadzeń organizowanych przez inicjatywę.

9

Протестные настроения в России на фоне Европейских государств: анализ кейсов 2017-2019 годов

61%

Ignatovskiy Y. R., Mikhailichenko D. G., Ivanov V. G., Evdokimov N. A., Pushkina M. A.

Przegląd Europejski

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2020

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vol. 2020(1)

199-217

RU

The last two years of development of the Russian political system were characterised by the protest mood increasing. Social discontent and various forms of political protest have become a noticeable element of social and political life. It is symptomatic that the protest mood develops during electoral campaigns (that predetermined the victory of the opposition in the elections in a number of regions), and also as a result of development and implementation of the current governmental processes. Considering that elections have been held in the majority of Russian regions during 2017-2019, the attention to the protest movement from various political actors will increase. The authors analyze the forms, main actors and technologies of protests, worked out their typology based on case studies. The current protest mood in Russia is compared with the situation in several EU countries (primarily in France, as well as in Portugal, Poland, Serbia and Greece). In conclusion of the article will be presented the forecasts of the socio-political situation development in the Russian Federation.

10

NEW MEDIA-NEW ALGERIAN ARAB SPRING?

61%

Sawicka Z.

Torun International Studies

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2019

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issue 12

75-88

EN

The paper presents events in Algeria that led to fall of the long-term president of the country, Abd al-Aziz Bouteflika in April 2019 and examines the role of the new media in this process. The analysis explains the reasons of the failure of the Arab Spring in this country in 2011. Critical discourse analysis of Algerian new media conducted by the author shows that despite lack of active actions in 2011, youth movements appeared in Algeria and led the protests in 2019 not only in the Internet but also in the “offline” world. Currently, the discussion about political impact of new media focuses mainly on a question whether the power of protesting societies is sufficient to overthrow a government. According to the author of the paper, it is a single-dimensional approach to the problem, what has been proven by the example of Algeria. New media have become an inseparable part of contemporary societies and their discourse, serving as a platform for disseminating information, mobilizing and participating . In Algeria, despite the fact that social media "have not yet reached maturity" (among others, because of illiteracy, mismanagement, lack of freedom of speech and true democracy), they are gradually becoming political and media public spaces for those excluded from the mainstream politics and media. The social media have caused a situation where the Algerian government has to meet growing demands of society for a greater degree of democracy, justice and freedom of the press and freedom of opinion. With their help, people learned the techniques of social mobilization, developed structures of social movement and civil society. Effects of this activity can slowly be observed not only in Algeria but throughout the Arab world.

11

Przyczyny, przebieg oraz implikacje konfliktu w Jemenie

57%

Krzewińska B.

Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM

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2019

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issue 19-20

235-255

EN

The article analyzes the causes, course and consequences of the conflict in Yemen since 2015. Among the factors that led to the outbreak of the war were indicated, among others to interference in internal affairs of this country of Turkey and Great Britain, which led to its division into the northern and southern parts. It was also underlined that the Yemen united in 1990 is destabilized by the activities of terrorist organizations and the growing conflict between representatives of the Houthi movement and the Sunni authorities. In addition, it was noted that the important dimension of the Yemen war is competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia, which aspire to the role of hegemon in the Middle East region. The article also contains a description of the implications of the Yemeni conflict, or the humanitarian and economic crisis.

PL

W artykule przeprowadzono analizę przyczyn, przebiegu oraz skutków toczącego się od 2015 r. konfliktu w Jemenie. Wśród czynników, które doprowadziły do wybuchu wojny wskazano m.in. na ingerencję w sprawy wewnętrzne tego państwa Turcji i Wielkiej Brytanii, co doprowadziło do jego podziału na część północną oraz południową. Podkreślono również, że zjednoczony w 1990 r. Jemen jest destabilizowany przez działalność organizacji terrorystycznych oraz narastający konflikt między przedstawicielami ruchu Huti oraz sunnickimi władzami. Ponadto zaznaczono, iż ważnym wymiarem wojny w Jemenie jest rywalizacja Iranu i Arabii Saudyjskiej, które pretendują do roli hegemona w regionie bliskowschodnim. Artykuł zawiera także charakterystykę implikacji jemeńskiego konfliktu, czyli kryzysu humanitarnego oraz ekonomicznego.

12

Niezniszczalna siła stereotypu. Obraz związków zawodowych w mediach na przykładzie relacji z demonstracji 22 września 2018 roku

51%

Zioło-Pużuk K.

Prakseologia

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2019

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vol. 161

187-208

PL

Artykuł przedstawia analizę 24 publikacji oraz 310 komentarzy, jakie pojawiły się pod analizowanymi tekstami, dotyczącymi demonstracji OPZZ i ZNP z dnia 22 września 2018 roku w Warszawie. Teksty i komentarze pokazują, jak media kształtują obraz związków i jakie elementy tego obrazu spotykają się z największym odzewem pośród czytelników. Analiza wykazała, iż obraz związków zawodowych ukształtowany w latach 80. i 90. pozostaje niezmienny. Zmiana zaszła jednak w definiowaniu przez odbiorców mediów konfliktu, w którym udział biorą związki: w latach dziewięćdziesiątych stroną było państwo, które chciało się zmieniać, reformować, związki zaś prezentowały postawę antyreformatorką, dziś jest to niezrzeszony pracownik, który musi, w odróżnieniu od związkowców, ciężko pracować. Odbiorcy mediów nawet po konfrontacji z niepolitycznymi postulatami związków nie zmieniają swoich przekonań na ich temat. Wnioski dotyczą sposobu, w jaki związki zawodowe mogłyby przedstawiać swoje postulaty, aby starać się przełamać negatywne stereotypy i docierać z pozytywnym przekazem do odbiorów.

EN

This paper presents an analysis of 24 articles and 310 comments under the analyzed articles relating to the OPZZ and ZNP trade union protests of September, 22, 2018 in Warsaw. This analysis presents how and to what extent media contribute to the trade union’s image and which elements of this image resonate with the public. The image of the unions, with its origins in the 1980s and 1990s, is still strongly present in the official and personal discourse. The union’s image consists of convictions that the unions are politically motivated, act for their own good and gain, union members do not work as hard as the rest of the workers, they belong to the „undeserving rich” class and benefit from the social unrest. The significant change occurred in defining the conflict in which unions take part. Previously it was a state-union conflict, where the state was willing to implement progressive reforms and unions were opposing changes. Currently it is non-union employees-unions, where unions are seen as representatives of the undeserving rich. People when confronted with neutral message concerning the unions tend to ignore it and use their previous convictions about the unions, hence the union’s negative image has been embedded in their world view and they look for information which confirms their convictions. Conclusions attempts to answer the question how the unions can modify their positive message to appeal successfully to the public.

13

Białoruś wobec pandemii COVID-19. Praktyka i realia

51%

Fedorowicz K.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2021

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issue 4

101-112

EN

The article’s aim is to present the approaches of the authorities of the Republic of Belarus toward the COVID-19 pandemic. The main research hypothesis is that Belarus decided to consciously ignore the emerging epidemiological threat from the beginning of the pandemic by adopting a strategy of appeasing the society and downplaying the global danger. Based on the data analysis, it has been proved that most Belarusians during the COVID-19 pandemic completely lost their trust in the state and its authorities, which in their opinion turned out to be unable to protect their citizens against the negative (health, economic) effects of the pandemic.

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawione podejścia władz Republiki Białoruś wobec pandemii COVID-19. Główna hipoteza badawcza przyjęta przez autora głosi, iż Białoruś od początku pandemii zdecydowała się na świadome ignorowanie pojawiającego się zagrożenia epidemiologicznego, przyjmując strategię uspokajania społeczeństwa i bagatelizowania globalnego niebezpieczeństwa. Na podstawie analizy danych dowiedziono, iż większość Białorusinów podczas pandemii COVID-19 całkowicie utraciło zaufanie do państwa i jego organów, które ich zdaniem okazały się niezdolne do podjęcia ochrony swoich obywateli przed negatywnymi skutkami (zdrowotnymi, ekonomicznymi) pandemii.

14

Protests in the City and the Country: Social Reactions in Western Pomerania in Response to the Workers’ Revolt of 1970/1971 in Szczecin

51%

Krasucki E.

Zapiski Historyczne

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2020

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vol. 85

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issue 4

55-88

EN

The text is an analysis of the socio-political situation in Western Pomerania during the political crisis in the Polish People’s Republic at the turn of 1971. Szczecin lay in the heart of the workers’ protests, however, it was the events in Gdańsk that received the most spotlight at that time and later on. The article aims to gather and analyse information from primary sources on how the inhabitants of the country learned about social unrest in big cities, how they interpreted and commented on it, and how it all translated into social sentiments. Such an approach to the problem also provides an opportunity to carry out an analysis based on the dichotomy between the ‘core’ and ‘peripheral’ areas. This is possible due to the accessibility of appropriate primary sources, which in the examined cases are constituted mostly by the documentation gathered by the Security Service, so far used to a small extent. It should also be stressed that the documents on the events of December 1970 in the context of the country in Western Pomerania were rather scant. The analysis of the documentation demonstrates how important Szczecin and Gdańsk were for social sentiments in 1970 and 1971. The incidents in ‘core’ cities were closely observed, and the patterns of protesting were then copied by the country. The scale of those ‘peripheral’ protests was smaller, and they usually did not turn into street fights, but their impact was felt, heard and seen. The methods of protesting in the country involved distributing leaflets, making inscriptions, conversing on related topics and, above all, sharing a desire to bring about a socio-political change expressed by strikes and public protests. These occurrences showed how much the ‘peripheral’ areas were inspired by the ‘core’ ones. There is no doubt that December 1970 left a lasting mark on the memory of the inhabitants of the country in Western Pomerania.

15

Kim jest Annuszka? Strategie dyskursywne tekstów na transparentach w czasie protestów po wyroku Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w 2020 roku

51%

Nijakowski L. M.

|

2021

|

vol. III

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issue 1 (7)

95-109

EN

This paper presents an analysis of the banners and placards used by protesters following the ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal on the legality of abortion. Multimodal discourse analysis methods, derived from social semiotics and virtual ethnography, were used in the research process. The author focuses on the discursive strategies employed by the protesters. The paper analyses the protesters’ internal code. It was found that the messages used were strongly intertextual and innovative while being both ludic and phatic. The paper also discusses the use of profanity which, the author claims, was part of a deliberate strategy. The style of the political messages, however, contributed to a part of the audience being alienated due to their inability to comprehend the macro propositions of the messages.

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wniosków z analizy tekstów na transparentach (i innych nośnikach) niesionych w czasie protestów, które wybuchły po wyroku Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w sprawie dopuszczalności aborcji. W badaniach wykorzystano techniki i metody multimodalnej analizy dyskursu, wyrastającej z semiotyki społecznej oraz wirtualnej etnografii. Autor skupił się na strategiach dyskursywnych, które stosowali protestujący. W tekście przeanalizowany został własny kod demonstrantów. Wykazano, że przekazy te są silnie intertekstualne i innowacyjne, spełniały także funkcję ludyczną i fatyczną. W artykule omówiono także funkcję wulgaryzmów, których stosowanie jest według autora celową strategią. Charakter przekazów politycznych sprawiał jednak, że pewna grupa odbiorców była wykluczona z tej komunikacji politycznej, nie mogąc zrozumieć makrosądu transparentu.

16

Rola zjednoczenia opozycyjnego „Ludowa Rada Ukrainy” w Euromajdanie

51%

Hurska-Kowalczyk L.

Historia i Polityka

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2023

|

issue 43 (50)

39-53

EN

The aim of the article is to analyze the role of the union of people’s deputies “People’s Council of Ukraine” in Euromaidan. The article presents the periodization of Euromaidan according to the criterion of protest participants’ attitude towards the authorities. The context for the establishment of the “People’s Council of Ukraine” was defined. Actions taken by the “People’s Council of Ukraine” during Euromaidan were also discussed. In order to implement the research objective, the following methods were used: historical, systemic, and case study.

PL

Celem artykułu jest przeanalizowanie roli zjednoczenia deputowanych ludowych „Ludowa Rada Ukrainy” w Euromajdanie. W artykule została przedstawiona periodyzacja Euromajdanu według kryterium ustosunkowania uczestników protestów do władz oraz kontekst utworzenia zjednoczenia „Ludowa Rada Ukrainy”. Zostały również omówione działania podjęte przez „Ludową Radę Ukrainy” podczas Euromajdanu. W celu realizacji zamierzenia badawczego zastosowano metody: historyczną, systemową i case study.

17

“We are hope, you are the eternal khan.” Authoritarian regimes and protest opportunities in Central Asia

50%

Shukuralieva N. S.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2019

|

issue 1

173-187

PL

Celem niniejszego tekstu jest analiza politycznych uwarunkowań funkcjonowania opozycji oraz praktyk kontestacyjnych w reżimach niedemokratycznych Azji Centralnej. Oparcie analizy na pięciu krajach o zróżnicowanym nasileniu autorytaryzmu pozwala prześledzić zależności pomiędzy kontekstem politycznym i działaniami protestacyjnymi, które w różnej, uwarunkowanej strukturą władzy, formie występowały we wszystkich pięciu krajach regionu. Artykuł, posługując się przykładem krajów Azji Centralnej, dostarcza empirycznej dokumentacji pomysłów o istnieniu wzajemnej zależności między repertuarami kontestacji a typami reżimu politycznego. Ponadto eksponuje on rolę aktywizmu internetowego w informowaniu, mobilizowaniu opinii publicznej, skłanianiu do wyrażania opinii, gromadzeniu różnych zasobów, prowokowaniu poparcia oraz budowaniu sieci relacji w ramach społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Wreszcie, jak wskazuje niniejszy tekst, im większy poziom represyjności reżimu, tym mniej możliwości użycia tradycyjnych form kontestacji, a w skrajnych przypadkach kontestacja ogranicza się do przestrzeni online.

EN

The aim of this text is to analyze the political determinants deciding the functioning of the opposition and contentious practices in undemocratic regimes of Central Asia. The analysis is based on five countries with varying degrees of authoritarianism and allows us to trace the relations between the political context and protest activities, which in the different forms depending on the local structure of power, have taken place in all five of the countries in the region. The example of Central Asian countries supports the ideas about the patterns of protest being dependent on the type of political regime. Moreover, one may observe the growing role of Internet activism in informing and mobilizing public opinion, encouraging the expression of opinion, collecting various resources, provoking support, and building a network of relations within the civil society. Finally, the research shows that the more repressive the regime is, the smaller the opportunity for using traditional forms of protest, and in extreme cases contestation is limited to the Internet.

18

The Times They Are A-Changin’

41%

Jędrzejko P.

Review of International American Studies

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2019

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vol. 12

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issue 2

5-24

EN

The article, whose central premise is to address the ellusive issue of the Zeitgeist of the "long 1968," revolves around the appeal of the singer-songwriter activism and the international, cross-cultural popularity of protest songs that defy political borders and linguistic divides. The argument opens with reference to Bob Dylan's famous song "The Times They Are A-Changing," whose evergreen topicality resulted not only in the emergence of its numerous official and unofficial covers and reinterpretations, but also generated translations into all major languages of the world, and which has provided inspiration to engaged artists, whose present-day remakes serve as a medium of criticism of the unjust mechanisms of power affecting contemporary societies. The "spirit of the 1968," which evades clear-cut definitions attempted by cultural historians and sociologists, seems to lend itself to capturing in terms of what Beate Kutschke dubs "mental" criteria, perhaps best comprehended in the analysis of the emotional reactions to simple messages of exhortative poetry or simple protest songs, which appeal to the shared frustrations of self-organized, grassroot movements and offer them both the sense of purpose and a glimpse of hope. In this sense, the Zeitgeist of '68 is similar to that of revolutionary Romanticism that united the young engaged intellectuals on both sides of the Atlantic, and whose messages reverberate in the activist songwriters' work until today. As such, the essay provides the keynote to the whole issue, which explores some of the transnational legacies of "1969."

19

Nové formy občianskej neposlušnosti v kyberpriestore

41%

Kasinec R., Šurkala J.

Právník. Teoretický časopis pro otázky státu a práva (The Lawyer - Scientific Review for Problems of State and Law)

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2018

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vol. 157

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issue 5

437-446

EN

The authors address the problem of cyber disobedience and hacktivism in contemporary world. Firstly, they try to distinguish cyber disobedience from the traditional forms of civil disobedience. The main differences they see in avoidance of punishment for illegal conduct, exercising these activities in the cyber space and specific nature of "non-violence", which is at least disputable. They put to the correlation the anonymity of the actions and avoidance to accept the punishment for criminal deeds. They argue that the status quo - where virtually all acts of hacktivism are considered illegal and in the same time very little of such acts are punished - conserved the strange equilibrium. However, they prognose that the importance of cyber disobedience will grow in the near future and this movement should be followed by proper changes of the law in action.

SK

Autori svoju pozornosť upriamili na problém kybernetickej neposlušnosti a haktivizmu v súčasnom svete. Najskôr sa pokúsili odlíšiť kybernetickú neposlušnosť od tradičných foriem občianskej neposlušnosti. Hlavné rozdiely nachádzajú najmä vo vyhýbaní sa trestnej zodpovednosti za protiprávne konanie, v realizovaní týchto aktivít v kyberpriestore a v špecifickej forme "nenásilia", ktorá je minimálne diskutabilná. Kladú do vzájomnej korelácie anonymitu pri výkone akcií a následné odmietnutie sankcie, ktorá hrozí za toto protiprávne konanie. Autori ďalej tvrdia, že nastolený status quo - kde sú prakticky všetky činy hacktivizmu považované za nezákonné a zároveň veľmi málo z takýchto činov je reálne potrestaných - si zachovali podivnú rovnováhu. Napriek tomu, význam a aktivity predstaviteľov kybernetickej neposlušnosti budú v nasledujúcich rokoch narastať, čo si bude vyžadovať nevyhnutné zásahy i v právnej oblasti.

20

Протестные настроения в России на фоне Европейских государств: анализ кейсов 2017-2019 годов

41%

Ignatovskiy Y. R., Mikhailichenko D. G., Ivanov V. G., Evdokimov N. A., Pushkina M. A.

Przegląd Europejski

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2020

|

issue 1(55)

199-217

RU

Последние годы развития политической системы России характеризовались ростом протестных настроений. Социальное недовольство и различные формы политического протеста становятся заметным элементом общественно-политической жизни. Симптоматично, что протестные настроения развиваются как в ходе электоральных кампаний (что, в том числе, предопределило победу оппозиции на выборах в ряде регионов), так и в результате развития и реализации текущих управленческих процессов. Учитывая, что в течение 2017-2019 гг. выборы прошли в большинстве регионов России, внимание к протестному движению со стороны различных политических субъектов возрастает. Авторы исследовали формы, основные субъекты и технологии протестов, осуществили их типологизацию на основе анализа ряда кейсов. Современные протестные настроения в России сравниваются в статье с соответствующими явлениями в ряде стран Европейского Союза (в первую очередь во Франции, а также в Португалии, Польше, Сербии и Греции). В заключении статьи представлены прогнозы развития социально-политической ситуации в Российской Федерации.

EN

The last two years of development of the Russian political system were characterised by the increasing protest mood. Social discontent and various forms of political protest have become a noticeable element of social and political life. It is symptomatic that the protest mood develops during electoral campaigns (that predetermined the victory of the opposition in the elections in a number of regions), and also as a result of development and implementation of the current governmental processes. Considering that elections have been held in the majority of Russian regions during 2017-2019, the attention to the protest movement from various political actors will increase. The authors analyse the forms, main actors and technologies of protests, worked out their typology based on the case studies. The current protest mood in Russia is compared with the situation in several EU countries (primarily in France, as well as in Portugal, Poland, Serbia and Greece). In conclusion of the article the forecasts of the socio-political situation development in the Russian Federation will be presented.

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