Search results

1

BEZPIECZEŃSTWO POWSZECHNE POD OCHRONĄ PRAWA KARNEGO

100%

KALISZ A.

Przegląd Policyjny

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2019

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vol. 133(1)

94-106

PL

Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza polskiego systemu karnoprawnej ochrony bezpieczeństwa powszechnego. Autorka poddaje analizie normatywny zakres odpowiedzialności karnej za czyny stypizowane w rozdziale XX kodeksu karnego. Skupia się także na systemie kar i środków karnych przewidzianych przez ustawodawcę za czyny stypizowane w tym rozdziale. Ponadto dociekania naukowe zorientowane są na zakresie kryminalizacji, tj. na ustawowych znamionach tych przestępstw, a zwłaszcza na przedmiocie ochrony.

2

Wielowymiarowa analiza atrakcyjności lokalizacyjnej mieszkań w Szczecinie z uwzględnieniem wskaźnika przestępczości

100%

Foryś I., Putek-Szeląg E.

Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu

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2018

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issue 508

48-55

PL

Decyzje kupujących na rynku mieszkaniowym są nie tylko sumą ich subiektywnych oczekiwań, lecz także efektem postrzegania nieruchomości przez pryzmat opinii i sugestii płynących z otoczenia. Jednym z kryteriów, którym kierują się kupujący, jest lokalizacja mieszkania, a z nią cechy otoczenia, w tym również bezpieczeństwo. Celem przeprowadzonego badania jest wyznaczenie przestrzennych zależności między przeciętną cenę 1 m2 mieszkania i współczynnikami przestępczości w Szczecinie. Do realizacji postawionego celu zaproponowano metody analizy przestrzennej. W tym celu wykorzystano informacje o transakcjach związanych z mieszkaniami w Szczecinie w latach 2009-2016 (akty notarialne) oraz dane za 2015 rok dotyczące popełnionych przestępstw z Komendy Wojewódzkiej Policji (tzw. mapa przestępstw). Analiza wykazała brak przestrzennej zależności cen mieszkań w latach 2009-2016. Natomiast wystąpiła zależność cen i tzw. przestępstw pospolitych

3

Przestępstwa przeciwko ochronie informacji. Wybrane zagadnienia prawno-materialne i kryminologiczne

75%

Czakowski M.

Biuletyn Stowarzyszenia Absolwentów i Przyjaciół Wydziału Prawa Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego

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2021

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vol. 16

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issue 18 (2)

7-23

EN

In the 21st century, the security of each country is related to ensuring that access to certain information essential for its functioning is limited. Therefore, information protection systems are created. In the modern world, information accompanies man at every stage of his activity, be it of a professional or private nature. Information is processed and recorded in various forms, ranging from oral, written in the traditional dimension, to the form using electronic means. Therefore, the overriding objectives of the state include ensuring adequate protection of information, i.e. information security. In the Polish legal system, the concept of classified information, pursuant to Article 1(1) of the Act of 5 August 2010 on the protection of classified information applies to information, the unauthorized disclosure of which would cause or could cause damage to the Republic of Poland or would be unfavorable from the point of view of its interests, also during their development and regardless of the form and manner of their expression. On the other hand, the authorities and public officials as well as other indicated entities are liable under the provisions of Chapter XXXIII of the Penal Code, entitled “Offenses against the protection of information” (Article 265-269c).

PL

W XXI w. bezpieczeństwo każdego państwa związane jest z zapewnieniem ograniczenia dostępu do pewnych informacji istotnych dla jego funkcjonowania. Dlatego też tworzone są systemy ochrony informacji. We współczesnym świecie informacja towarzyszy człowiekowi na każdym etapie jego aktywności, czy to o charakterze zawodowym, bądź też w wymiarze prywatnym. Informacja podlega przetwarzaniu oraz utrwalaniu w różnorodnych formach, począwszy od formy ustnej, pisemnej w tradycyjnym wymiarze, po formę z zastosowaniem środków elektronicznych. Do nadrzędnych celów państwa zaliczyć należy zatem zapewnienie należytej ochrony informacji, tj. bezpieczeństwa informacji. W polskim systemie prawa pojęcie informacji niejawnych, zgodnie z art. 1 ust. 1 ustawy z dnia 5 sierpnia 2010 r. o ochronie informacji niejawnych dotyczy informacji, których nieuprawnione ujawnienie spowodowałoby lub mogłoby spowodować szkody dla Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej albo z punktu widzenia jej interesów byłoby niekorzystne, także w trakcie ich opracowywania oraz niezależnie od formy i sposobu ich wyrażania. Natomiast organy oraz funkcjonariusze publiczni, a także inne wskazane podmioty ponoszą odpowiedzialność na podstawie przepisów rozdziału XXXIII Kodeksu karnego zatytułowanego ,,Przestępstwa przeciwko ochronie informacji” (art. 265-269c).

4

Przestępstwa stwierdzone w latach 1965–1969 oraz osoby podejrzane o ich dokonanie (na podstawie danych statystyki milicyjno-prokuratorskich)

71%

Mościskier A., Syzduł E.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1972

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issue V

270-303

EN

The publication compiles data from police records on offences discovered in 1.965 – 1969 and the persons suspected of them.

5

Dylematy terminologiczne wokół pojęcia nadużycia w przedsiębiorstwach

71%

Grzesiak L.

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2016

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vol. 3

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issue 3

21-34

EN

At the moment when an economic activity emerged, cheating and bending the rules for own benefits surfaced will of cheating and bending the rules for own benefits (lat. Pro bono sua). Hence this topic is not a novelty. The main aim of this paper is sorting put the terms and a presentation of my own division of frauds. This proposal was put forward within my Master Thesis. It was defended in 2015 in Finance and Accountancy of smes Chair UL. The tutor was A. Skoczylas-Tworek. A research method which was employed by me is a critical analysis of a current writing concerning the fraud topic.

PL

Z chwilą, gdy pojawiła się działalność gospodarcza, pojawiła się chęć oszukiwania i naginania rzeczywistości w imię własnej korzyści (łac. pro bono sua). Artykuł jest próbą uporządkowania panującego chaosu terminologicznego wokół pojęcia nadużyć (ang. fraud) w przedsiębiorstwach prywatnych poprzez traktowanie nadużyć jako pojęcia parasolowego. Sugestia ta została wysunięta w ramach pracy magisterskiej obronionej w 2015 roku w Katedrze Finansów i Rachunkowości MŚP UŁ. Promotorem była dr A. Skoczylas-Tworek. Zastosowana przeze mnie metoda badawcza to krytyczna analiza obecnego piśmiennictwa.

6

THE POLICE OFTHE STANISLAW AUGUST PONIATOWSKI ÉPOQUE: THE CASE OF THE CRACOW MUNICIPAL AUTHORITIES. THEORY, ORGANISATION, ACTIVITIES.

63%

Mielnik M.

International Journal of Legal Studies (IJOLS)

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2017

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issue 1(1)

133-147

PL

Organizacja i funkcjonowanie Policji w Krakowie czasów stanisławowskich stanowi podstawowe zagadnienie artykułu. Na początku scharakteryzowano naukowe traktaty dotyczące tej instytucji. Teoretyczna wiedza została wsparta krótką charakterystyką prawa, organizacji i działalności władzy policyjnej w Rzeczypospolitej XVIII w. W głównej części pracy przedstawiono ustrój miasta oraz najważniejsze na jego obszarze kierunki działań Policji. Zaliczyć do nich należy ochronę zdrowia, kontrolę zjawiska żebractwa, bezpieczeństwo publiczne, a także zagadnienia gospodarcze. Analizę wspomnianych problemów autor oparł na źródłach drukowanych Volumina Legum oraz źródłach archiwalnych Archiwum Państwowego w Krakowie. Postawiona w artykule teza o wypełnianiu przez władze policyjne teoretycznych założeń potwierdzono licznymi przykładami działań policji w zakresie walki z żebrakami, z przestępstwami dotyczącymi miar i wag czy jakości wykonywanych usług.

EN

Organisation and work of The Police in Cracow a time of King Stanislaus August Poniatowski constitute main subject of article. At the beginning characterized eighteens century scientific books that concern power of police. Theoretical knowledge were supported through characteristic law, organisations and work of commonwealths police in XVIII century. In main part of work presented city system and most important Police facilities operations. These include health protection, control of phenomenon of begging, public security and economical topics. Analyze these problems author base on printed source Volumina Legum and archival source from National Archive in Cracow. The thesis in article about realisation by police authority theoretical assumptions has been confirmed many examples police work in fight against beggars, measure and weight crimes or quality of service performers.

7

Instytucja ciągu przestępstw po 1 lipca 2015 r.

63%

Górski A.

Studia Iuridica

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2017

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vol. 69

131-148

PL

The institution of series of crimes regulates the situation of coincidence of crimes which are connected in a specific way. This connections are ground for different penalty – one penalty for all crimes. The amendment of criminal law, conducted in 2015, made changes also in the chapter IX of the polish criminal code and modified provision 91. The legislator decided to replace some premises. The premise of a similar way of committing a crime was replaced by the premise of using the same opportunity. The amendment also modified a demand of an identical criminal qualification for all crimes covered by the institution of series of crimes. Since then, the demand of an identity has been applied to a provision which is the basis of penalty size. The aim of this paper is to discuss the changes conducted in 2015 and evaluate the whole institution of series of crimes.

8

The participation of environmental NGOs in (Austrian) criminal proceedings in the light of Art. 9 (3) Aarhus Convention

63%

Schalk-Unger L.

Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne

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2022

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issue 1

212-236

PL

Jednym z trzech głównych filarów Konwencji z Aarhaus jest zapewnienie obywatelom dostępu do wymiaru sprawiedliwości. Nie oznacza to jedynie zapewnienia dostępu do postepowania administracyjnego, lecz także do postępowania karnego w przypadkach przestępstw przeciw środowisku. Szczególnymi członkami społeczeństwa zainteresowanymi ochroną środowiska są organizacje pozarządowe. W niektórych krajach europejskich organizacje takie odgrywają czynną rolę w postepowaniach karnych, jednakże w wielu przypadkach są spychane na margines. Niniejsza praca opisuje implikacje i wymagania związane z art. 9 (3) Konwencji z Aarhaus dotyczące kwestii dostępu do postępowania karnego, analizuje istniejące sposoby uczestnictwa organizacji pozarządowych w postępowaniach karnych w Austrii oraz przedstawia sposoby, w jakie prawo karne procesowe może być reformowane dla spełnienia wymagań Konwencji z Aarhaus. Celem ostatecznym jest doprowadzenie do stanu, w którym ściganie przestępstw przeciwko środowisku będzie najbardziej skuteczne.

EN

One of the three main pillars of the Aarhus Convention is access to justice for members of the public. Access to justice can not only be provided for in administrative proceedings but also via criminal proceedings in cases of environmental crime. Members of the public with an interest in environmental protection are especially environmental NGOs. In some European countries NGOs play an active role in criminal proceedings, however in many cases they are banished to the sidelines. This article describes the implications and requirements of Art. 9 (3) of the Aarhus Convention for access to justice via criminal proceedings, analyzes the existing ways for environmental NGOs to participate in Austrian criminal proceedings and presents ways in which criminal procedure law can be reformed to meet the requirements of the Aarhus Convention. The end goal is to make the prosecution of environmental crime as effective as possible.

9

Armia Czerwona w powiecie szubińskim (w województwie pomorskim) w 1945 roku

63%

Ławniczak R.

Aparat Represji w Polsce Ludowej 1944–1989

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2021

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issue 19

552-579

EN

The article describes the activity of the Red Army in the district of Szubin (Pomeranian Voivodeship) in 1945, and social moods and attitudes of its inhabitants towards Soviet soldiers. The entry of the Red Army into the district in January 1945 marked the end of the cruel German occupation, so it was welcomed by the local population. From the very beginning, the Soviet Army was the dominant force in the political, social and economic life of the region. It took part in the appointment of local authorities, obstructed reconstruction work, started systematic looting of private and state property and deportations to labour camps in the USSR. Red Army soldiers committed mass crimes, from theft and devastation, through rape and beatings, to murder. Their activities caused the general public dislike and fear of the Soviet Army, the Red Army was believed to have occupied Poland and was expected to leave the country.

PL

Artykuł opisuje działalność wojsk sowieckich w powiecie szubińskim w województwie pomorskim w 1945 r. oraz nastroje społeczne i stosunek mieszkańców do czerwonoarmistów. Wejście Armii Czerwonej na teren powiatu w styczniu 1945 r. oznaczało zakończenie okrutnej niemieckiej okupacji, zostało więc przyjęte przez miejscową ludność z radością. Od pierwszych chwil wojsko sowieckie było dominującą siłą w życiu polityczno-społeczno-gospodarczym regionu. Uczestniczyło w powoływaniu lokalnych władz, utrudniało prace nad odbudową, rozpoczęło systemową grabież majątku prywatnego i państwowego oraz deportacje do obozów pracy w ZSRS. Czerwonoarmiści dopuszczali się masowych przestępstw – od kradzieży i dewastacji, przez gwałty i pobicia, aż po zabójstwa. Ich działalność spowodowała ogólną niechęć i strach społeczeństwa przed sowieckim wojskiem. Powszechnie uważano, że Armia Czerwona okupuje Polskę, i oczekiwano opuszczenia przez nią naszego kraju.

10

How Efficient Is Severe Punishment, Or: More Punishment, Less Crime?

62%

Kury H., Brandenstein M.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2008

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issue XXIX-XXX

133-142

11

Kara konfiskaty mienia w prawie polskim i obowiązującym na ziemiach polskich oraz w praktyce jego stosowania

62%

Rzeplińska I.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1994

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issue XX

79-96

EN

Forfeiture of property is one of the oldest penalties in Polish law. Its origins can be traced in pre-state law, in the penalty of exclusion from tribe. Anybody could kill a person thus punished and destroy his property, and would suffer no penalty for such acts. Later on, in early Middle Ages, the penalty of plunder was introduced: the offender’s possessions were looted, and his house burned. Destruction of the offender’s property as a penal sanction resulted from the conception of crime and punishment of that time. Crime was an offence against God, and punishment was seen as God’s revenge for crime – that offender’s house was destroyed as the place that had become unchaste, inhabited by an enemy of God. The penalties imposed in Poland in the 12th and 13th centuries were personal, material, and mixed penalties. There were two material penalties: forfeiture of the whole or part of property and pecuniary penalties. The utmost penalty was being outlawed which consisted of banishment of the convicted person from the country and forfeiture of his property by the ruler. Being outlawed was imposed for the most serious offences; with time, it became an exceptional penalty. In those days, forfeiture of property was a self-standing, as well as an additional penalty, imposed together with death, banishment, or imprisonment. As shown by the sources of law, forfeiture of property (as an additional penalty) could be imposed for “conspiracy against state” rape of a nun forgery of coins, cheating at games, and profiteering. Other offences punishable in this way included murder, raid with armed troops and theft of Church property, murder of a Jew committed by a Christian, and raid of a Jewish cemetery. Data on the extent of the imposition of that penalty in the early feudal period are scarce; as follows from available sources, it was applied but seldom. The consequences of forfeiture were serious in those days. Deprived of property, the convicted person and his family inevitably lost their social and political status which made forfeiture one of the most severe penalties. From the viewpoint of the punishing authority (duke), forfeiture was clearly advantageous due to its universal feasibility; to the duke’s officials, it was profitable as they were entitled to plunder the convicted persons’s movables. In the laws of the 16th and 17th centuries, forfeiture was provided for: serious political crimes (crimen leaesae maiestatis – laese-majesty; perduelio – desertion to the enemy), offences against currency and against the armed forces. As an additional penalty, it accompanied capital punishment and being outlawed. The law also provided for situations where forfeiture could be imposed as a self-standing penalty. In 1573, the Warsaw Confederacy Act which guaranteed equality to confessors of different religions banned the inposition of forfeiture for conversion to another faith. Initially absolute – the whole of property being forfeited and taken over by the Treasury where it was at the king’s free disposal – forfeiture of property was limited already in the 14th century. To begin with, in consideration of the rights of the family and third to forfeited property, the wife’s dowry was excluded from forfeiture. Later on, in the 16th century, the limitations concerned the king’s freedom of disposal of forfeited property. A nobleman’s property could no longer remain in the king’s hands but had to be granted to another nobleman. Forfeiture of property can also be found in the practice of Polish village courts; as follows from court registers, though, it was actually seldom imposed. European Enlightenment was the period of emergence of ideas which radically changed the conceptions of the essence and aims of punishment, types of penalties, and the policy of their imposition. In their writings, penologists of those days formulated the principle of the offender’s individual responsibility. This standpoint led to a declaration against forfeiture of property as a penalty which affected not only the offender but also his family and therefore expressed collective responsibility. The above ideas were known in Poland as well. They are reflected in the numerous drafts of penal law reform, prepared in 18th century Poland. The first such draft, so-called Collection of Jidicial Laws by Andrzej Zamojski, still provided for forfeiture. A later one (draft code of King Stanislaw August of the late 18th century) no longer contained this penalty. The athors argued that, affecting not only the offender, that penalty was at variance with the principles of justice. The drafts were never to become the law. In 1794, after the second partition of Poland, an insurrection broke out commanded by Tadeusz Kościuszko. The rebel authorities repealed the former legal system and created a new system of provisions regulating the structure of state authorities, administration of justice, and law applied in courts. In the sphere of substantive penal law and the law of criminal proceedings, an insurgent code was introduced, with severe sanctions included in the catalog of penalties. Forfeiture of property was restored which had a double purpose: first, acutely to punish traitors, and second – to replenish the insurgent funds. When imposing forfeiture, property rights of the convicted person’s spouse and his children’s right to inheritance were taken into account. Yet compared to the administration of justice of the French Revolution with its mass imposition of forfeiture, the Polish insurgent courts were humane and indeed lenient in their practice of sentencing. After the fall of the Kościuszko Insurrection, Poland became a subjugated country, divided between three partitioning powers: Prussia, Russia, and Austria. The Duchy of Warsaw, made of the territories regained from the invaders, survived but a short time. In the sphere of penal law and the present subject of forfeiture of property, that penalty was abolished by a separate parliamentary statute of 1809. After the fall of the Duchy of Warsaw, Poland lost sovereignty and the law of the partitioning powers entered into force on its territories. In the Prussian sector, a succession of laws were introduced: the Common Criminal Law of Prussian States of 1794, followed by the 1851 penal code and the penal code of the German Reich of 1871. Only the first of them still provided for forfeiture: it was abolished in the Prussian State by a law of March 11, 1850. Much earlier, forfeiture disappeared from the legislation of Austria. lt was already absent from the Cpllection of Laws on Penalties for West Galicia of June 17,1796, valid on the Polish territories under Austrian administration. Nor was forfeiture provided for by the two Austrian penal codes of 1803 and 1852. Forfeiture survived the longest in the penal legisation of Russia. In 1815, the Kingdom of Poland was formed of the Polish territories under Russian administration. In its Constitution, conferred by the Tsar of Russia, a provision was included that abolished forfeiture of property. It was also left in the subsequent Penal Code of the Kingdom of Poland, passed in 1818. Forfeiture only returned as a penal sanction applied to participants of the anti-Russian November insurrection of 1831. The Organic Statute of 1832, conferred to the Kingdom of Poland by the Tsar, reintroduced the penalty of forfeiture of property. Moreover, it was to be imposed for offences committed before Organic Statute had entered into force which was an infringement of the ban on retroactive force of law. Of those sentenced to forfeiture in the Kingdom of Poland, Lithuania, and Russia as participants of the November insurrection, few had estates and capital. A part of forfeited estates were donated, the rest were sold to persons of Russian origin. The proces of forfeiting the property of the 1830–1831 insurgents only ended in 1860 (the Tsar’s decree of February 2/March 2,1860). After November insurrection, the Russian authorities aimed at making the penal legislation of the Kingdom of Poland similar to that of the Russian Empire. The code of Main Corrective Penalties of 1847 aimed first of all at a legal unification. It preserved the penalty of “forfeiture of the whole or part of the convicted persons’ possessions and property” as an additional penalty imposed in cases clearly specified by law. It was imposed for offences against the state: attempts against the life, health, freedom or dignity of the Emperor and the supreme rights of the heir to the throne, the Emperor’s wife or other members of the Royal House, and rebellion against the supreme authority. Forfeiture was preserved in the amended code of 1866; in 1876, its application was extended to include offences against official enactments. The penalty could soon be applied – towards the participants of January insurrection of 1863 which broke out in the Russian Partition. The insurgents were tried by Russian military courts. After the January insurrection, 6,491 persons were convicted in the Kingdom of Poland; 6,186 of tchem were sentenced to forfeiture of property. Of that group, as few as 28 owned the whole or a part of real estate; 60 owned mortgage capital and real estate. The imposition of forfeiture on January insurgents stopped in 1867 in the Kingdom of Poland and as late as 1873 in Lithuania. The penalty was only removed from the Russian penal legislation with the introduction a new penal code in 1903. As can be seen, the Russian penal law – as opposed to the law of Prussia and Austria retained forfeiture of property the longest. It was designet to perform special political and deterrent functions as the penalty imposed on opponents of the system for crimes against state. It was severe enough to annihilate the offender’s material existence. It was also intended to deter others, any future dare-devils who might plan to resist authority. It was an fitted element of the repressive criminal policy of the Russian Empire of those days. Forfeiture of the whole of property of the convicted person can be found once again in the Polish legislation, of independent Poland this time: in the Act of July 2, 1920 on controlling war usury where forfeiture was an optional additional penalty. At the same time, the act prohibited cumulation of repression affecting property (fine and forfeiture could not be imposed simultaneously). It originated from the special war conditions in Poland at the time. The ban on cumulation of repression affecting property is interesting from the viewpoint of criminal policy. The Polish penal code of 1932 did not provide for the penalty of forfeiture, and the Act on controlling war usury was quashed by that code’s introductory provisions. In the legislation of People’s Poland after World War II, forfeiture of property was re-established and had extensive application.

12

Skazani recydywiści w Polsce w okresie transformacji w świetle danych statystycznych

54%

Szymanowski T.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

2008

|

issue XXIX-XXX

739-761

13

Development of Criminal Policy in Hungary during the First Decade of the 21st Century

54%

Lévay M.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

2008

|

issue XXIX-XXX

543-554

14

Nieletni sprawcy przestępstw popełnionych pod wpływem alkoholu

54%

Krawczyk J.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1992

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issue XVIII

183-211

EN

For many years now, excessive drinking has been among the main symptoms of social pathology in Poland. Also the fact is beyond any doubt that drinking is strongly related to crime: it is ussually found in over a half of offences known to the police committed by adults. The problem of drinking also plays an important part in the process of juvenile demoralization and delinquency. This fact was noticed by the legislator who, in the Act of October 26, 1982 on proceedings in cases of juveniles, situated drinking among the symptoms of demoralization. Among the juveniles found quality of offences, the proportion of those who drink alcohol is quite large, the offenders’ actual age considered. In recent years, that proportion has been over 11,0% of all juvenile delinquents. There are also among the juveniles found quality of offences those who committed acts prohibited by law while under the influence of alcohol. In recent years, the proportion of, such juveniles has been over 5,0% and, shows an upward trend. There is among the excessively drinking juvenile delinquents a decided majority of boys, whose proportion has always been over 91,0% in the last 20 years. The paper reports on a national empirical study of two groups of boys born in 1959. The first group consisted of 100 respondents who committed as juveniles at least one offence while under the influence of alcohol. The other group which also consisted of 100 persons (the control group) were boys selected from among the juveniles delinquents who committed offences but did not drink any alcohol before that act. The source of data on the two groups of respondents were: court files; records of implementation of the educational or corrective measures applied by the court, files of criminal cases for offences committed by those persons as adults; questionnaires sent out to sobering-up stations; as well as standarized interviews with the respondents themselves. The study has shown a number of differences between juveniles who commit offences under the influence of alcohol and the remaining juvenile delinquents. The main such differences are as follows: Different types of delinquency in the broad sense: ‒ offences committed under the influence of alcohol were frequently not the first offences of the examined juveniles (44,0% of cases, as compared to 7,0% in the control group); ‒ such offences were usually committed at the age of 15‒16 (93,0%), that is rather late in the juvenile’s career, at the threshold of statutory age: ‒ the offences committed by the first group were decidedly more aggressive and dangerous for the life and health of their victims than those committed by the control group; ‒ nearly 50,0% of the offences committed under the influence of alcohol were commitied in the streets (control group ‒ 39,3%); ‒ the juveniles who committed offences under the influence of alcohol were acting alone nearly 30 times more often than the remaining juvenile deliquents. In the case of boys who committed offences under the influence of alcohol, their state of health, family situation, and ‒ consequently ‒ also scholastic achievements were inferior to those in the control group: ‒ as few as 67,0% of boys in the first group were brought up in complete families (control group ‒ 82,0%); what is more, in 52,3% of those families disturbed functioning was found which was due to: alcoholism, excessive drinking, serious chronic diseases, disablement, mental disorders, delinquency or prostitution of one or both parents; thus as few as about one-third of the families of juveniles who committed offences under the influence of alcohol were fully efficient educational milieu; ‒ 69,0% of the boys who committed offences under the influence of alcohol were educationally neglected by their parents (control group ‒ 53,0%); ‒ 44,0% of the boys who commiited offences under the influence of alcohol (as compared to 25,0% in the control group) had as children suffered from serious diseases that affected their psycho-physical development, organic lesions or diseases of the central nervous system, or slight or minor degrees of mental deficiency; ‒ 7,0% of the boys who committed offences under the influence of alcohol did not go to school despite the fact that education is compulsory at their age (control group – 2%), and 58,0% (70,7% of those who did go to school) were educationally retarded by one to four years (control group – 51,0% that is 52,6% of the school-goers); The degree of social maladjustment was much higher in the boys who committed offences under the influence of alcohol: ‒ nearly a half of juveniles in that group were recidivists (44,0%, as compared to as few as 7,0% in the control group); ‒ 65,0% of the boys who drank (that is, by about one-third more than among all juvenile delinqents) were cigarette smokers, and had started smoking long before their first contacts with alcohol; ‒ although the number of juveniles who ran away from home was similar in both groups, those who committed offences under the influence of alcohol did that more often and frequently drank alcohol while vagrant; ‒ 85,0% of boys in the first group (by about 20,0% more than among all juvenile delinquents) used to run the streets unsupervised, 79,0% with demoralized friends: ‒ as few as 5,0% of juveniles who committed offences under the infleunce of alcohol showed no symptoms of social maladjustment, other than those offences (23,0% among all juvenile delinquents), and at least three such symptoms were found in 69,0% (45,0% among all juvenile delinquents). In sum, the group of boys who had committed offences under the influence of alcohol in childhood was in many respects „worse'', and frequently much „worse'' than the control group selected from among all juvenile delinquents. Such boys would prove worse still were they compared with a representative sample of all Poles born in 1959. The facts discussed above prove the truth of the statement that juveniles who commit offences under the influences of alcohol are a high risk group compared to properly socialized young persons. They should therefore be submitted to special care by the competent agencies, including in particular family courts; however, no evidence of such care could be found in the study.

15

Środki alternatywne dla najmłodszych przestępców program Buskerud

54%

Stangeland P., Waal H., Ostrihanska Z.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1985

|

issue XII

79-88

16

Analiza psychologiczna ustosunkowania osób dorosłych wobec penalizacji wybranych przestępstw pod kątem właściwości społeczno-demograficznych i poziomu empatii

51%

Sygit-Kowalkowska E., Kraszkiewicz K.

Profilaktyka Społeczna i Resocjalizacja

|

2014

|

vol. 24

171-194

PL

Postawy społeczne wobec karalności za wybrane przestępstwa są tematem licznych badań. Wskazują one jasno na określone ustosunkowanie obywateli wobec wymiaru kary, z punktu widzenia ich zasadności i sprawiedliwości. Niniejsze badanie miało na celu przeanalizowanie pod kątem psychologicznym współzależności między zmiennymi o charakterze demograficznym, społecznym i emocjonalnym a ustosunkowaniem wobec penalizacji wybranych przestępstw. Wyniki pokazały, że kobiety mają średnio wyższe nasilenie stopnia empatii, ogólnie częściej postawę rygorystyczną, w tym za przestępstwo dzieciobójstwa. Osoby o najwyższych średnich wynikach w teście Kwestionariusza Rozumienia Empatycznego, prezentowały średnio częściej postawę bardziej rygorystyczną, niż jest to przewidziane w prawie karnym. Pewne kategorie przestępstw: 1) gwałtu ze szczególnym okrucieństwem, 2) zabójstwa ze szczególnym okrucieństwem, 3) propagowania lub pochwalania zachowań pedofilskich, 4) przymuszania do prostytucji, jednogłośnie zostały ocenione jako niezasługujące na łagodniejszy niż przewidywany, wymiar kary. Istnieje potrzeba dalszych analiz, które wskazywałyby, w jaki sposób cechy indywidualne człowieka decydują o wyborze kary w obliczu oceny czyjegoś bezprawnego zachowania.

EN

There is a bulk of research on social attitudes to the penalization of selected crimes. Studies clearly show that citizens tend to adopt a specific attitude to penalties, which is conditioned by their appropriateness and fairness. The aim of our study was to analyze, in psychological terms, the relation between demographic, social and emotional variables and the attitude adopted towards the incrimination of some illegal acts. The results show generally higher empathy levels and stricter attitudes among women, especially to infanticide. Individuals with the highest average results in the EUQ (Empathic Understanding Questionnaire) displayed on average a more rigorous attitude than the one specified by the criminal code. For certain categories of crimes, such as: 1) rape with extreme cruelty; 2) murder with extreme cruelty; 3) dissemination and welcome of pedophile activity; and 4) forced prostitution, there was a unanimous agreement that penalties should not be less than those already set forth in legislation. There is a need for further analyses to demonstrate how the individual’s specific characteristic may influence their choice of penalty when faced with the task of assessing an illegal behavior.

17

Losy życiowe młodych mężczyzn, którzy w nieletniości popełnili co najmniej jedno przestępstwo pod wpływem alkoholu

45%

Krawczyk J.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1993

|

issue XIX

17-26

EN

A study of two 100-person groups of juvenile delinquents born in 1959 was conducted in the years 1981‒1985 at the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Studies, Polish Academy of Sciences. The first (experimental) group consisted of boys randomly selected from the total of 225 juveniles born in 1959 who had committed at least on offence while intoxicated. The other (control) group were 100 randomly juveniles selected from the entire population of 8196 juvenile delinquents born in 1959. None of the juveniles selected for the experimental group happened to find themselves in the control group as well. As shown by the findings, the juveniles who had committed at least one offence while intoxicated were much more demoralized as a group than the whole of juvenile delinquents. It seemed interesting, therefore, to follow the further fates of both groups as adults. The follow-up period was 7 years; until that time, all of the examined persons reached the age of 25 when the average Polish man be- comes stabilized to some extent, having graduated from university, worked for several or a dozen years (upon completion of secondary or elementary education respectively), and frequently having also established a family. Data on the life situation of the young men from both examined groups on their 25th birthday were obtained from the following four sources: ‒ the Central Register of Convicted Persons kept by the Ministry of Justice, and the Register of Convicted and Detained Persons where criminal records of the entire sample were checked; ‒ files of criminal cases of all men with criminal records (47.0% of the experimental and 35.0% of the control group); the files concerned criminal proceedings before common courts for offences committed after coming of age; ‒ questionnaire survey of 63.0% of the experimental and 66.0% of the control group; ‒ inquiry submitted to the sobering-up stations concerning the entire sample. As shown by the findings, 24.0% of the experimental and 13.0% of the control group established their own families before the age of 25. The proportions are high, as regards the experimental group in particular: erly in the 1980s, the newly married constituted about 10% of the total male population aged 20‒24 in Poland. The mean educational level was higher in the control compared to the experimental group; this concerns first and foremost cases of education higher than the elmementary technical (of which there were two in the experimental compared to ten in the control group). Moreover, no cases of illiteracy could be found in the control group, compared to one such case in the experimental group. Of all the men of the experimental group concerning whom data could be obtained, 80.4% had a regular job, and 19.6% stayed out of job or worked casually. Of the control group, 80.0% had a regular job (33% combining job with school), 18.3% stayed out of job or worked casually, and one person had entered university. The number of convicted persons in the experimental group (47) was larger compared to the control group (35) by 12.0%, the difference being significant. Also relapse into crime was higher in the expenmental group (l5 vs. 11 cases). The first offence committed by those convicted as young adults was mainly one against property: 35 cases in the experimental group (66.0% of all those convicted) and 28 cases in the control group (80.0%). The second most frequent offence of members of the experimental group was an aggressive act: against life and health, freedom, personal dignity and inviolability (10 persons, i.e. 18.8% of all those convicted). The offences of this type included: bodily injury (Art. 156 of the penal code – 3 persons, i.e. 6.4%); participation in a brawl or beating (Art. 158 and 159 – 1 person, i.e. 2.1%); infringement of bodily inviolability (Art. 182 – 3 persons, i.e. 6.4%); assault against a public functionary (Art. 233 and 234 – 1 person, i.e. 2.1%); insult against a public functionary (Art. 236 – 1 person, i.e. 2.1%). In the control group, 6 cases of such offences could be found (9.1% of all those convicted); yet the only offence under Art. 148 1 of the penal code, that is homicide, had been committed by a member of that goup.The other discussed figures and proportions were respectively: Art. l58, 159 – 3 persons, i.e. 8.6%; Art. 182 – 1 person (2.9%); Art. 233, 234 – 1 person (2.9%); and Art. 236 – 1 person (29%). Beside offences, the two groups manifested also other synptoms of social maladjustment. The symptoms found most often in both groups were: “contacts with persons known to the police as delinquent” and stays at the sobering-up station. As regards the experimental group, the third frequent symptom were brawls in the place of residence followed by bad opinion with neighbors, hooliganism, and avoidance of work. In the control group, avoidance of work ranked third, followed by bad opinion with neighbors, hooliganism, and brawls at the place of residence. This ranking of frequency of the symptoms of social maladjustment points to a greater aggressiveness of the young men from the experimental group. On the 63 young men from the experimental group concerning whom data could be obtained, 62 (98.0%) drank alcohol. In the control group 59 (89.0%) of the 66 concerning whom data could be obtained were drinkers. The group of drinkers included all those who had drunk several times a week already as juveniles, and 70% of those who had drunk once a week. In the control group, drinkers included 91.7% of those who had drunk as juvoniles (11 of 12 cases). Of those who had drunk as juveniles in the control group, 66.7% (8 cases) were convicted as adults. As shown by the discussed data, young men from the experimental group – those who committed as juveniles at least one offence while intoxicated prove much inferior in terms of the social situation to other men who also committed offences as juveniles but did not drink alcohol. Therefore, early alcohol consumption among juvenile delinquents is an important factor of a negative prognosis as to the further fates of such persons. A number of postulates have been formulated, addressed at the prosecuting agencies, criminal justice, and institutions designed to assist persons in extraordinary situation. With respect to the present sample, all such postulates acquire special importance and must be met without fail.

PL

A study of two 100-person groups of juvenile delinquents born in 1959 was conducted in the years 1981‒1985 at the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Studies, Polish Academy of Sciences. The first (experimental) group consisted of boys randomly selected from the total of 225 juveniles born in 1959 who had committed at least on offence while intoxicated. The other (control) group were 100 randomly juveniles selected from the entire population of 8196 juvenile delinquents born in 1959. None of the juveniles selected for the experimental group happened to find themselves in the control group as well. As shown by the findings, the juveniles who had committed at least one offence while intoxicated were much more demoralized as a group than the whole of juvenile delinquents. It seemed interesting, therefore, to follow the further fates of both groups as adults. The follow-up period was 7 years; until that time, all of the examined persons reached the age of 25 when the average Polish man be- comes stabilized to some extent, having graduated from university, worked for several or a dozen years (upon completion of secondary or elementary education respectively), and frequently having also established a family. Data on the life situation of the young men from both examined groups on their 25th birthday were obtained from the following four sources: ‒ the Central Register of Convicted Persons kept by the Ministry of Justice, and the Register of Convicted and Detained Persons where criminal records of the entire sample were checked; ‒ files of criminal cases of all men with criminal records (47.0% of the experimental and 35.0% of the control group); the files concerned criminal proceedings before common courts for offences committed after coming of age; ‒ questionnaire survey of 63.0% of the experimental and 66.0% of the control group; ‒ inquiry submitted to the sobering-up stations concerning the entire sample. As shown by the findings, 24.0% of the experimental and 13.0% of the control group established their own families before the age of 25. The proportions are high, as regards the experimental group in particular: erly in the 1980s, the newly married constituted about 10% of the total male population aged 20‒24 in Poland. The mean educational level was higher in the control compared to the experimental group; this concerns first and foremost cases of education higher than the elmementary technical (of which there were two in the experimental compared to ten in the control group). Moreover, no cases of illiteracy could be found in the control group, compared to one such case in the experimental group. Of all the men of the experimental group concerning whom data could be obtained, 80.4% had a regular job, and 19.6% stayed out of job or worked casually. Of the control group, 80.0% had a regular job (33% combining job with school), 18.3% stayed out of job or worked casually, and one person had entered university. The number of convicted persons in the experimental group (47) was larger compared to the control group (35) by 12.0%, the difference being significant. Also relapse into crime was higher in the expenmental group (l5 vs. 11 cases). The first offence committed by those convicted as young adults was mainly one against property: 35 cases in the experimental group (66.0% of all those convicted) and 28 cases in the control group (80.0%). The second most frequent offence of members of the experimental group was an aggressive act: against life and health, freedom, personal dignity and inviolability (10 persons, i.e. 18.8% of all those convicted). The offences of this type included: bodily injury (Art. 156 of the penal code – 3 persons, i.e. 6.4%); participation in a brawl or beating (Art. 158 and 159 – 1 person, i.e. 2.1%); infringement of bodily inviolability (Art. 182 – 3 persons, i.e. 6.4%); assault against a public functionary (Art. 233 and 234 – 1 person, i.e. 2.1%); insult against a public functionary (Art. 236 – 1 person, i.e. 2.1%). In the control group, 6 cases of such offences could be found (9.1% of all those convicted); yet the only offence under Art. 148 1 of the penal code, that is homicide, had been committed by a member of that goup.The other discussed figures and proportions were respectively: Art. l58, 159 – 3 persons, i.e. 8.6%; Art. 182 – 1 person (2.9%); Art. 233, 234 – 1 person (2.9%); and Art. 236 – 1 person (29%). Beside offences, the two groups manifested also other synptoms of social maladjustment. The symptoms found most often in both groups were: “contacts with persons known to the police as delinquent” and stays at the sobering-up station. As regards the experimental group, the third frequent symptom were brawls in the place of residence followed by bad opinion with neighbors, hooliganism, and avoidance of work. In the control group, avoidance of work ranked third, followed by bad opinion with neighbors, hooliganism, and brawls at the place of residence. This ranking of frequency of the symptoms of social maladjustment points to a greater aggressiveness of the young men from the experimental group. On the 63 young men from the experimental group concerning whom data could be obtained, 62 (98.0%) drank alcohol. In the control group 59 (89.0%) of the 66 concerning whom data could be obtained were drinkers. The group of drinkers included all those who had drunk several times a week already as juveniles, and 70% of those who had drunk once a week. In the control group, drinkers included 91.7% of those who had drunk as juvoniles (11 of 12 cases). Of those who had drunk as juveniles in the control group, 66.7% (8 cases) were convicted as adults. As shown by the discussed data, young men from the experimental group – those who committed as juveniles at least one offence while intoxicated prove much inferior in terms of the social situation to other men who also committed offences as juveniles but did not drink alcohol. Therefore, early alcohol consumption among juvenile delinquents is an important factor of a negative prognosis as to the further fates of such persons. A number of postulates have been formulated, addressed at the prosecuting agencies, criminal justice, and institutions designed to assist persons in extraordinary situation. With respect to the present sample, all such postulates acquire special importance and must be met without fail. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi kontynuację opracowania: Nieletni sprawcy przestępstw popełnionych pod wpływem alkoholu, „Archiwum Kryminologii” 1991, t. XVIII.

18

Przestępstwa uprowadzenia lub zatrzymania małoletniego lub osoby nieporadnej (art. 188 K.K.)

45%

Kołakowska-Przełomiec H.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1984

|

issue XI

227-244

EN

The present article contains a detailed description and results of analysis of cases of abduction and detention sentenced in Poland in 1979. The total of these cases was 9. Abduction or detention, specified in Art. 188 of the Polish Penal Code, belongs to the group of offences against the family. Art. 188 of the Penal Code provides, that "whoever contrary to the will of the person appointed to take care or to supervise, abducts or detains a minor or a person who is helpless by reason of this mental or physical condition, shall be subject to the penalty of deprivation of liberty for from 6 months to 5 years”. Theoretical studies and commentaries to the Penal Code stress the fact that the subject of legal protection in Art. 188 of the Penal Code is the institution of care and supervision. Art. 188 is turned against lawless one-sided alterations in the relation, directly determined or adjudicated by court, of care or supervision of a person specified in this Article. It is also indicated that this Article aims at protecting the child from the lawlessness of this quarrelling parents or other persons. It is also characteristic that the commentaries stress the fact that the motives from which the perpetrator acted are unessential as regards the existence of an offence specified in Art. 188. A small number of persons sentenced for abduction or detention does not mean that offences of this kind are of little social significance. The real extent of this phenomenon is much greater than indicated by the small number of sentenced persons. As the common knowledge shows, the cases of lawless taking away of the children by quarrelling parents or relatives are frequent. Thus it could have been expected that the cases of abduction or detention which had been investigated by court as offences might be particularly drastic of nature. Yet the analysis of all cases failed to confirm this supposition. Among the 9 cases, there were 4 cases of "abdcution" and 5 cases of "detention'' of minors. None of the cases concerned a helpless person. In as few as 2 cases the minors were strangers unrelated to the perpetrator. In four cases, the minors were sons of the perpetrators, in one case the minor was the perpetrator's daughter, in one case – granddaughter; also in one case, the minor was the perpetrator’s cousion. Among the perpetrators of „abduction" or „detention” there were six men and three women. The analysis of all criminal cases specified in Art. 188 reveals two sides of this type of offence: a) the aspect of family, care, and education, b) the criminal aspect. However, these two sides are not closely connected with one another. The cases of "abduction and detention" as represented in the paper reveal the background on which it comes to various forms of behaviour of parents towards children and towards each other. In the majority of cases, an intervention of guardianship authorities in the life of parents and children has already taken place and various provisions have been made. However, they failed to eliminate the existing conflicts, what is more, they increased them. The further execution of these decisions lacks additional supervision which would ensure a free contact with the child for the parent with whom the child does, not reside permanently, and, on the other hand, which would limit the lawlessness of mothers who do not allow the fathers to contact the children they care for. Therefore, in the examined cases we deal with "abduction'' or "detention'' of a child by his father who is faced with difficulties on the mother's part when he wants to see his child. The analysed cases are not drastic in character as regards the conduct of perpetrators and the circumstances of their offence. On the other hand, they are generally most drastic as regards legal proceedings in such cases and sentences. The examined fathers, mother, grandmother, and cousin are treated as offenders: persecuted, charged, tried, and sentenced for acts which, even if they disturbed the institution of care, could be treated as family and care cases. Generally it seems that the criminal character of the analysed cases is independent and separate, so to say, from the entire aspect of family, care, and education of these cases. It may be assumed that this situation is to a certain degree conditioned by the dogmatic and formalistic approach in the proceedings and sentencing in these cases, which is based on the formulation found in commentaries, that the perpetrator’s motives are unrelevant to the existence of the offence, and that the subject of legal protection in Art. 188 is the institution of care and supervision, not the interest of the abducted person. In the final part of the present paper it is stressed that while protecting the institution of care, one should still take into consideration first of all the interest of the child for whom this institution is to function. It is also in the child's interest that his parents and close relations do not become criminals because of him. The cases of „abduction and detention of a minor” should be examined as cases of family and care, penal law proceedings instituted only in cases of actual abduction of a minor, first of all that committed by strangers.

PL

The present article contains a detailed description and results of analysis of cases of abduction and detention sentenced in Poland in 1979. The total of these cases was 9. Abduction or detention, specified in Art. 188 of the Polish Penal Code, belongs to the group of offences against the family. Art. 188 of the Penal Code provides, that "whoever contrary to the will of the person appointed to take care or to supervise, abducts or detains a minor or a person who is helpless by reason of this mental or physical condition, shall be subject to the penalty of deprivation of liberty for from 6 months to 5 years”. Theoretical studies and commentaries to the Penal Code stress the fact that the subject of legal protection in Art. 188 of the Penal Code is the institution of care and supervision. Art. 188 is turned against lawless one-sided alterations in the relation, directly determined or adjudicated by court, of care or supervision of a person specified in this Article. It is also indicated that this Article aims at protecting the child from the lawlessness of this quarrelling parents or other persons. It is also characteristic that the commentaries stress the fact that the motives from which the perpetrator acted are unessential as regards the existence of an offence specified in Art. 188. A small number of persons sentenced for abduction or detention does not mean that offences of this kind are of little social significance. The real extent of this phenomenon is much greater than indicated by the small number of sentenced persons. As the common knowledge shows, the cases of lawless taking away of the children by quarrelling parents or relatives are frequent. Thus it could have been expected that the cases of abduction or detention which had been investigated by court as offences might be particularly drastic of nature. Yet the analysis of all cases failed to confirm this supposition. Among the 9 cases, there were 4 cases of "abdcution" and 5 cases of "detention'' of minors. None of the cases concerned a helpless person. In as few as 2 cases the minors were strangers unrelated to the perpetrator. In four cases, the minors were sons of the perpetrators, in one case the minor was the perpetrator's daughter, in one case – granddaughter; also in one case, the minor was the perpetrator’s cousion. Among the perpetrators of „abduction" or „detention” there were six men and three women. The analysis of all criminal cases specified in Art. 188 reveals two sides of this type of offence: a) the aspect of family, care, and education, b) the criminal aspect. However, these two sides are not closely connected with one another. The cases of "abduction and detention" as represented in the paper reveal the background on which it comes to various forms of behaviour of parents towards children and towards each other. In the majority of cases, an intervention of guardianship authorities in the life of parents and children has already taken place and various provisions have been made. However, they failed to eliminate the existing conflicts, what is more, they increased them. The further execution of these decisions lacks additional supervision which would ensure a free contact with the child for the parent with whom the child does, not reside permanently, and, on the other hand, which would limit the lawlessness of mothers who do not allow the fathers to contact the children they care for. Therefore, in the examined cases we deal with "abduction'' or "detention'' of a child by his father who is faced with difficulties on the mother's part when he wants to see his child. The analysed cases are not drastic in character as regards the conduct of perpetrators and the circumstances of their offence. On the other hand, they are generally most drastic as regards legal proceedings in such cases and sentences. The examined fathers, mother, grandmother, and cousin are treated as offenders: persecuted, charged, tried, and sentenced for acts which, even if they disturbed the institution of care, could be treated as family and care cases. Generally it seems that the criminal character of the analysed cases is independent and separate, so to say, from the entire aspect of family, care, and education of these cases. It may be assumed that this situation is to a certain degree conditioned by the dogmatic and formalistic approach in the proceedings and sentencing in these cases, which is based on the formulation found in commentaries, that the perpetrator’s motives are unrelevant to the existence of the offence, and that the subject of legal protection in Art. 188 is the institution of care and supervision, not the interest of the abducted person. In the final part of the present paper it is stressed that while protecting the institution of care, one should still take into consideration first of all the interest of the child for whom this institution is to function. It is also in the child's interest that his parents and close relations do not become criminals because of him. The cases of „abduction and detention of a minor” should be examined as cases of family and care, penal law proceedings instituted only in cases of actual abduction of a minor, first of all that committed by strangers.

19

Wymiar kar kościelnych w kontekście salus animarum

45%

Wroceński J.

Sympozjum

|

2016

|

issue 2(31)

9-40

EN

In his paper, the author considers the question of the dimension of ecclesiastical penalties in the context of the salvation of souls. He reaches the conclusion that the law of the Church and the power of punishment are closely associated with the same nature and mission of the Church which was established by Christ, not only as a spiritual community linked by supernatural bonds but also as a visible community, which, for the realization of its salvific mission (salus animarum), has at its disposal various means, including the power to inflict penalties. Ecclesiastical penalty always entails some diminution or even deprivation of rights that belonged to a person because of the state of life in the Church. The Church and, more precisely, those who stand at the head of communities apply penalties under the authority of Christ. The infliction of ecclesiastical penalties is effectuated within the triple function of the power of governance, i.e. legislative, executive, and judicial. However, criminal sanctions are inflicted on condition of external violation and it must be a violation of some penal statute, general or particular, or penal regulation. In addition, there must be significant sanity as a result of intentional or unintentional guilt. If it lacks any of the above-mentioned elements, it is not possible to impose of a criminal sanction in the Church in a particular case. Although this principle is absolute, still it permits an exception. Namely, the legislator allows punishment also for exceeding the legal provision that is not backed by a criminal sanction under two conditions: if the special gravity of the offense demands punishing and if, at the same time, the need to avoid scandal or to repair it is urgent. This is always done in the context of the salus animarum.

20

Social Determinants of Crime and Hatred Incidents at Mass Sports Events in Poland

45%

Jarczewski W., Bogdalski P.

Przegląd Strategiczny

|

2019

|

issue 12

215-231

PL

Przestępczość i nienawiść mają swoją ugruntowaną pozycję w przestrzeni imprez masowych organizowanych w Polsce. Najtrudniejsza sytuacja dotyczy rozgrywek piłki nożnej, zwłaszcza szczebla krajowego. Mimo zmian prawnych i wielu przedsięwzięć podejmowanych przez kluby, Policję i inne instytucje, sytuacja nie ulega zmianie, co więcej pojawiają się symptomy jej pogarszania. Niezwykle niepokojące jest to, że te nieformalne grupy tworzą struktury funkcjonujące na zasadach charakterystycznych dla przestępczości zorganizowanej. Przedmiotem badań niniejszej publikacji były zjawiska przestępczości i nienawiści pojawiające sięw przestrzeni imprez masowych organizowanych w Polsce, celem natomiast określenie przyczyn i przedstawienie wniosków dotyczących koniecznych działań, na podstawie analizy, dokonanej przez pryzmat statystyk i dokumentów sprawozdawczych. Wykorzystano metody charakterystyczne dla badań o profilu teoretycznym, przywołano też wyniki badań ankietowych prowadzonych w 2014 r. Podstawowe problemy badawcze dotyczyły poszukiwania odpowiedzi na następujące pytania: – Czy determinacja działań Policji w zapewnieniu bezpieczeństwa turnieju finałowego EURO 2012 przyniosła uspokojenie nastrojów i poprawę bezpieczeństwa w obszarze imprez masowych? – Jak przedstawia się obecnie skala przestępczości, czynów chuligańskich oraz zbiorowych naruszeń bezpieczeństwa i porządku publicznego w związku z organizowanymi imprezami masowymi w Polsce? – Czy działania w tym obszarze mają charakter systemowych, trwałych i konsekwentnych rozwiązań? Hipoteza zakładała: że, mimo podejmowania, przez organy bezpieczeństwa publicznego, szeroko zakrojonych działań, stan przestępczości i głęboko zakorzeniona nienawiść, do zidentyfikowanych przeciwników klubowych i ideologicznych, są ciągle znakiem rozpoznawczym środowisk kibolskich uczestniczących w części imprez masowych w Polsce. Brak kontynuacji dobrych rozwiązań, dostrzeganie problemu jedynie przez pryzmat zaistniałych incydentów, brak części danych statystycznych dających możliwość przygotowania precyzyjnych analiz naukowych, każą zachować umiar w przewidywaniu pozytywnych zmian w tej wąskiej przestrzeni bezpieczeństwa publicznego.

EN

Crime and hatred have been a permanent part of mass events organized in Poland. The situation is the most difficult in the case of football matches, especially at the national level. Despite legal changes and many measures adopted by sports clubs, the police and other institutions, not only has the situation not changed but there are symptoms of its deterioration. It is extremely worrying that these informal groups form structures that operate following the principles characteristic of organized crime. The subject of study in this article are the phenomena of crime and hatred occurring at mass events organized in Poland; its purpose is to identify the causes and present conclusions regarding necessary actions, based on an analysis of statistics and reports. Methods characteristic of theoretical studies have been employed developing this study, as well as the results of surveys conducted in 2014. The basic research problems involve finding answers to the following questions: – Did the determination of police in ensuring the safety of the EURO 2012 final tournament calm the mood and improve security of mass events? – What is the current scale of crime, hooligan acts and collective violations of security and public order in relation to mass events organized in Poland today? – Are the solutions in this area systemic, durable and consistent?The hypothesis was that, although public security authorities have been implementing a wide range of measures, crime and deep-rooted hatred towards enemy clubs and ideological opponents continue to be a hallmark of football fan circles and thus of some mass events organized in Poland. The inconsistent continuation of good practices adopted in the past, perceiving the problem only in terms of isolated incidents, and the lack of statistics that would help to prepare precise scientific analyses, all require moderation in predicting positive changes in this narrow area of public security.

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