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1

Przestępczość w spółdzielczości Polski Ludowej

100%
Łukasiak P.
Pieniądze i Więź
|
2020
|
vol. 23
|
issue 1(86)
92-109
PL
Juliusz Makarewicz twierdził, że „jeśli chodzi o zasadnicze pytanie o to, co dla danego społeczeństwa jest szkodliwe, to teoretycznie rozstrzyga o tym ogół, praktycznie zaś jego silniejsza część, która nie zapomina przy tym o własnych interesach, utożsamiając je z interesami całego społeczeństwa”. Kolejny (drugi) z cyklu artykułów na temat historii prawa spółdzielczego prezentuje odpowiedzialność za czyny zabronione w spółdzielczości Polskiej Republiki Ludowej. Czas socjalizmu przewartościował znacząco nie tylko idee ruchu spółdzielczego, ale także przedmiot ochrony prawa karnego. Autor poddaje analizie przepisy prawa karnego materialnego, które odnosiły się do zachowań prawnie relewantnych w spółdzielczości Polski Ludowej. Z woli ustawodawcy prawo karne zaczęło chronić przede wszystkim mienie uspołecznione, którym bym majątek spółdzielni. W tym czasie na dalszy tor zeszły czynniki osobowe, a prawidłowość funkcjonowania kooperatyw została poddana nadzorowi administracyjnemu. Przemodelowanie ruchu spółdzielczego w dobie PRL-u, odbija się głębokim echem do dnia dzisiejszego. Przepisy karne, utraciły już moc obowiązującą, ale stanowią dowód tego, co w ocenie ustawodawcy w epoce socjalizmu „było dla społeczeństwa szkodliwe”.
EN
Juliusz Makarewicz argued that "when it comes to the basic question of what is harmful to a given society, theoretically it is the general public that decides it, and practically it is its stronger part, which does not forget about its own interests, identifying them with the interests of the whole society" . The next (2nd) in the series of articles on history of Polish cooperative law presents responsibility for prohibited acts in the cooperatives of the Polish People's Republic. The time of socialism significantly revalued not only the ideas of the cooperative movement, but also the subject of protection of criminal law. The author examines the provisions of substantive criminal law, which referred to legally relevant behaviors in the cooperatives of Polish People's Republic. By the will of the legislator, criminal law began to protect primarily socialized property, which was the property of a cooperative. At that time, personal factors were rendered secondary, and the proper functioning of the cooperatives was subjected to administrative supervision. The remodeling of the cooperative movement in the Polish People's Republic era reverberates deeply to this day. Criminal provisions have already lost their binding force, but they constitute evidence of what, in the opinion of the legislator in the era of socialism, "was harmful to the society".
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THE CRIME OF THEFT WITH BURGLARY

84%
Janik D.
International Journal of Legal Studies (IJOLS)
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2017
|
issue 1(1)
51-77
PL
W artykule omówiono treść i zakres pojęcia włamania. Artykuł został wzbogacony, omówieniem przestępstwa włamania na przykładzie wybranych krajów Unii Europejskiej.
EN
The article discusses the content and scope of the concept of burglary. The article has been enriched, discussing burglary on the example of selected EU countries
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Kradzież jako przestępstwo materialne ścięte – jak ustalić czas skutku?

84%
Tyburcy T.
Studenckie Zeszyty Naukowe
|
2016
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vol. 19
|
issue 31
EN
Theft is committed at the moment of seizure of a movable property (taking the actual control over it), if the performance of such action is accompanied by the intention of its misappropriation; therefore the consequence of the theft occurs regardless of the perpetrator’s ability to realize the intention to dispose of property in question as its actual owner. The degree of consolidation of the control over the stolen property does not belong to the constituent elements of theft. The misappropriation is merely the objective of the perpetrator; it can be fully realized only after the factual seizure. In some instances determining the time of theft raises a serious controversy, for example in case of theft occurring in an apartment of the victim or a self-service shop. The doctrine has widely accepted that theft is an offence with criminal consequences. It seems, however, that when it comes to this particular offense so called “time curdling” occurs – the identity of time and location of the act and its consequences. That is the reason why, in contrast to other types of offenses, in this case it is not possible to distinguish the act and its consequence.
PL
Kradzież jest dokonana z chwilą zawładnięcia rzeczą ruchomą (objęcia jej w faktyczne władanie), jeżeli temu działaniu towarzyszy cel jej przywłaszczenia. Skutek przestępstwa kradzieży następuje więc niezależnie od tego, czy sprawca zdoła zrealizować zamiar rozporządzania rzeczą tak, jak właściciel. Stopień utrwalenia władztwa nad skradzioną rzeczą nie należy do znamion kradzieży. Fakt przywłaszczenia jest jedynie celem działania sprawcy. Może on być zrealizowany dopiero po dokonaniu zaboru. Ustalenie czasu dokonania kradzieży w niektórych przypadkach budzi jednak kontrowersje, np. w przypadku kradzieży rzeczy z mieszkania pokrzywdzonego. W doktrynie powszechnie przyjmuje się, że kradzież jest typem materialnym. Wydaje się natomiast, że w przypadku tego przestępstwa zachodzi „ścięcie czasowe”, tzn. tożsamość czasowa i miejscowa działania oraz skutku. Dlatego właśnie, w przeciwieństwie do innych typów czynów zabronionych, nie jest możliwe odróżnienie działania od skutku.
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Glosa do wyroku Sądu Najwyższego z dnia 3 lutego 2021 r., w sprawie III KK 561/19

84%
Gałązka M.
Ius Novum
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2022
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vol. 16
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issue 4
189-202
EN
The paper presents the critical commentary on the judgment, in which the Supreme Court classified unlawfull disposals of a co-owned item commited by a co-owner as misappropriation of someone else’s movable item. The legal assessment carried out by the Supreme Court can hardly be approved, as it is based on a widespread and yet incorrect interpretation of the concept of someone else’s item, considering it to be someone else’s property in relation to its co-owner. The behaviour in question fulfils rather the features of misappropriation of property right in the form of another co-owner’s participation in co-ownership. The Supreme Courtpartially based its assessment on the reasons justifying the latter legal qualification, however did not draw proper conclusions therefrom and did not decide to depart from the dominant case-law opinion.
PL
Przedmiotem niniejszego opracowania jest krytyczna glosa do wyroku, w którym Sąd Najwyższy uznał bezprawne dyspozycje rzeczą wspólną dokonane przez współwłaściciela za przywłaszczenie cudzej rzeczy. Stanowisko to trudno zaaprobować, ponieważ opiera się ono na szeroko przyjętej, ale błędnej wykładni pojęcia cudzej rzeczy, uznając ją za cudzą wobec współwłaściciela. Opisane zachowanie wyczerpuje raczej znamiona przywłaszczenia prawa majątkowego w postaci uprawnień do rzeczy przysługujących drugiemu ze współwłaścicieli.W swojej argumentacji SN częściowo oparł się na racjach uzasadniających tę ostatnią kwalifikację prawną, jednakże nie wyciągnął z nich właściwych wniosków i nie zdecydował się na odstąpienie od poglądu przeważającego w orzecznictwie.
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‘It’s not worth it, it’s just a bike’. Reporting property crimes in South-eastern European countries

83%
Pavlović Vinogradac V.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2020
|
issue XLII/2
9-25
PL
The aim of this paper is to examine South-eastern European students’ experiences being victims of criminal offences against property or being witnesses to criminal offences against property; to compare the extent to which students reported the crimes they were victims of or had witnessed; and to examine their willingness to report a theft of property of minor value (bicycle theft) in a hypothetical victimization situation, considering their country of residence and previous experience of reporting. The survey was conducted by an online survey in seven countries of South-eastern Europe (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Croatia, Hungary, Northern Macedonia, Slovenia, and Serbia) on a sample of 1,419 students. The results indicate that a large proportion of property crimes go unreported, although most students are willing to report them. Celem artykułu jest analiza doświadczeń studentów z krajów Europy Południowo-Wschodniej odnośnie do stania się ofiarą lub świadkiem przestępstw przeciwko mieniu oraz składania zawiadomień o ich popełnieniu. Przedstawiając badanym hipotetyczną sytuację, w której ktoś ukradł im rower, autorka zbadała także gotowość do zgłaszania kradzieży mienia o niewielkiej wartości. W analizie danych zostały uwzględnione również kraj pochodzenia oraz wcześniejsze doświadczenie w zgłaszaniu przestępstw. Badanie przeprowadzono przy wykorzystaniu ankiety internetowej, którą wypełniło 1419 studentów z siedmiu krajów Europy Południowo-Wschodniej (Bośni i Hercegowiny, Czarnogóry, Chorwacji, Węgier, Północnej Macedonii, Słowenii oraz Serbii). Wyniki badania pokazują, że duża część przestępstw przeciwko mieniu nie jest zgłaszana, mimo że większość studentów deklaruje teoretyczną gotowość do ich zgłaszania.
EN
The aim of this paper is to examine South-eastern European students’ experiences being victims of criminal offences against property or being witnesses to criminal offences against property; to compare the extent to which students reported the crimes they were victims of or had witnessed; and to examine their willingness to report a theft of property of minor value (bicycle theft) in a hypothetical victimization situation, considering their country of residence and previous experience of reporting. The survey was conducted by an online survey in seven countries of South-eastern Europe (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Croatia, Hungary, Northern Macedonia, Slovenia, and Serbia) on a sample of 1,419 students. The results indicate that a large proportion of property crimes go unreported, although most students are willing to report them.
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GLOSA APROBUJĄCA DO WYROKU IZBY KARNEJ SĄDU NAJWYŻSZEGO Z 29 MAJA 2018 R. O SYGN. AKT II KK 99/18

83%
Rosiak Ł.
Zeszyty Prawnicze
|
2019
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vol. 19
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issue 2
277-286
EN
The comment relates to the verdict issued by the Supreme Court on the adjudication of offences and petty offences against property (viz. theft), for which the financial criterion for criminalization (as of 9 November 2013) is the minimum value of payment for work, as set down in Kodeks wykroczeń (the Polish Code of Petty Offences). In cases of this kind the value of minimum pay should be taken for the day when the verdict for the offence was passed, not for the day on which it was committed.
PL
Glosowany wyrok Sądu Najwyższego dotyczy problematyki orzekania o czynach przeciwko mieniu, w stosunku do których od 9 listopada 2013 r. kryterium uznania danego czynu za przestępstwo albo za wykroczenie stanowi określony w kodeksie wykroczeń wskaźnik minimalnego wynagrodzenia za pracę. We wskazanym zakresie należy mieć na uwadze minimalne wynagrodzenie z daty orzekania w przedmiocie odpowiedzialności za taki czyn, a nie z daty jego popełnienia.
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Rzecz w prawie karnym – pojęcie cywilnoprawne czy autonomiczne?

67%
Gałązka M.
Studia Prawnicze KUL
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2013
|
issue 1 (53)
63-78
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest znaczenie terminu “rzecz” w Kodeksie karnym z 1997 r. Termin „rzecz (ruchoma)”, zastąpił w szerokim zakresie pojęcie „mienie (ruchome)”, używane w poprzednim stanie prawnym na oznaczenie przedmiotu wykonawczego przestępstw przeciwko mieniu. Kodeks karny z 1997 r. nie wyjaśnia znaczenia terminu „rzecz”, a jedynie wylicza w art. 115 § 9 k.k. jego przykładowe desygnaty. Definicja rzeczy zamieszczona jest natomiast w art. 45 k.c. Za jej stosowaniem w prawie karnym opowiedziano się w uzasadnieniu projektu Kodeksu karnego. Zakres tej definicji jest jednak węższy niż znaczenie pojęcia „mienie” z poprzednich kodeksów karnych. Stąd w orzecznictwie i doktrynie można spotkać pogląd, że pojęcie rzeczy w prawie karnym należy interpretować szerzej niż w prawie cywilnym. Stanowisko to jednak nie może być zaakceptowane jako sprzeczne z wykładnią językową i systemową, a zwłaszcza z zakazem wykładni homonimicznej. Szersze rozumienie pojęcia „rzecz” w stosunku do jego definicji cywilnoprawnej jest w prawie karnym dopuszczalne tylko z mocy przepisu szczególnego o randze ustawowej. Wynika to z zasady nullum crimen sine lege. Wbrew podnoszonym obawom taka interpretacja nie skutkuje raczej luką prawną w ochronie karnej. Gdyby nawet taką lukę stwierdzono to właściwą drogą jej usunięcia byłaby interwencja ustawodawcy.
EN
The article concerns the concept of thing in the Penal Code of 1997. The terms “thing”, “movable thing” have replaced the terms “property”, “movable property” used in former penal legislation to describe the object of prohibited act in provisions on offences against property. The Penal Code of 1997 doesn’t define the term “thing”. Its Article 115 § 9 enumerates only some examples of it. The definition of the term ”thing” is, on the other hand, placed in the Article 45 of Civil Code. The authors of the Penal Code Draft has pronounced in its grounds for application of the Article 45 of Civil Code in penal law. However, the scope of civil law concept of movable thing is narrower than the scope of term “movable property” in two former penal codes. It led many scholars and courts to an opinion that the penal concept of “thing” should be interpreted larger than its civil law definition. This approach is not to be accepted because of inconsistency with the grammatical and systematic interpretation of law, especially with the inadmissibility of homonymic interpretation. Such a conclusion presented in this article is based upon the nullum crimen sine lege principle. In spite of the objections, it doesn’t rather lead to a legal loophole in penal protection. Even if there were such a problem, the only way to eliminate it would be a legislative intervention.
RU
Предметом статьи являыется значение термина „вещь” в Уголовном кодексе от 1997 г. Термин „вещь (подвижная)”, в широком диапазоне заменил термин „имущество (подвижнoe)”, использован в предыдущем законодательстве для определения исполнительнoгo предметa в преступлению против имуществy. Уголовный кодекс от 1997 г. не объясняет значения термина „вещь”, только перечисляет в ст. 115 § 9 у.к. образцовые значение. Oднако, дефиниция вещи находится в ст. 45 Гражданского кодекса. З ее применением согласились в обоснованию проекта Уголовного кодекса. Диапазон этой дефиници является однако более узким, чем значение термина „имущество” c предшествующих yголовных кодексoв. Таким образом, в судебной практике и доктрине можно встретить мнение, что понятие „вещь” в уголовном законодательстве следует интерпретировать более широко чем в гражданском праве. Эта позиция, однако, не может быть принятa как противоречащия язычнoй и системнoй интерпретации, особенно с запретом омонимическoй интерпретации. Более широкое понимание термина „вещь” в отношению к ee дефиници c гражданского права, в уголовном праве допускается только на основании конкретного положения по рангам закона. Это связано с принципом nullumcrimensinelege. В отличие от вопросов, такая интерпретация не приводит к просвету в уголовным правe. Даже если устанoвлeно просвет, правильным путем для ee удаления было бы вмешательство законодателя.
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Neutralizacja normy „nie kradnij” w genezie przestępczości nieletnich

60%
Stańdo-Kawecka B.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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1994
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issue XX
21-51
EN
The paper discusses the findings of a study aimed at an empirical verification of a well-known criminological concept: the Sykes and Matza concept of neutralization techniques from the classical trend of positivist criminology. What Sykes and Matza see as the factor of juvenile delinquency are mechanisms of justification of one’s own delinquent behavior. Reverting to functionalim, the authors assume a social consensus on the basic values and norms of behavior. Juvenile delinquents generally recognize the same values and norms as non-delinquent youth but, unlike that youth, they grow proficient in neutralizing those norms so as to prevent them from influencing their behavior. According to Sykes and Matza, norms are neutralized through finding and accepting justifications for one’s own deviant behavior. Five types of such neutralization techniques heve been distinguished according to the contents of those justifications: denial of responsibility, denial of injury, denial of the victim, condemnation of the condemners, and appeal to higher loyalties. In their conception of neutralization  techniques, G.M. Sykes and D. Matza mainly describe and classify the ways of excusing one’s own deviant behavior and provide but a perfunctory discussion of the mechanizm of neutralization itself. L. Festinger’s theory of cognitive dissonance proves useful in explaining the psychological mechanizm of neutralization of recognized norms. Assumptions of the conception of neutralization techniques and the theory of cognitive dissonance provided the grounds for hypotheses which were subsequently submitted to empirical verification. The subject was limited to neutralization of the rule “do not steal” interpreted as a ban appropriation on theft and a rule of respect for another person’s property. Criminologists have long questioned the desing of empirical study where achool youth are treated as non-delinquent and examined as a control group oppesed to juvenile delinquents in houses of correction or educational institutions. In the present study, three groups were examined: ‒ juvenile delinquents confined to a reformatory or home for detained juveniles by a judicial decision as perpetrators of offences against property (84 persons); ‒ school youth not involved in acts against another person’s property, called non-delinquent youth (70 persons); ‒ school youth involved in acts againts another person’s property, called actually delinquent (37 persons); The groups of “non-delinquent” and “actually delinquent” persons were distinguished from school youth by means of a self-report survey. Of the original hypotheses, only one was confirmed by the findings. The exemined groups appeared to differ significantly in their approval of the techniques of neutralization of the norm of honesty, the differences trending as expected. The lowest approval of statements expressing various excuses for breaches of another person’s property was found among the non-delinquent youth. The group that most often approves ot such excuses are wards of  reformatories and juvenile homes; however, they do not differ much in this respect from the actually delinquent youth. All of the examined groups have similar priorities as to the separate types of excuses. The type accepted most often is “condemnation of the condemners”. In particular, a statement that “the police and judges are corruptible and malicious”enjoys great popularity. The types  accepted least often, instead, are excuses consisting in “denial of injury” and “appeal to higher loyalties”. What could not be conformed are hypotheses as to absence of differences between the groups with respect to appraisal of one’s own honesty and acceptance of the rule “do not steal”. Non -delinquent youth appraise themselves much higher in terms of honesty than the remaining two groups. Wards of reformatories and juvenile homes, instead, appraise themselves somewhat lower than the actually delinquent youth. The non-delinquent youth show the strongest acceptance of the norm of honesty. The degree of acceptance of that norm among wards of reformatories is similar to that among actual  delinquents, the former showing a somewhat stronger acceptance of the rule “do not steal” than the actually delinquent group. Another hypothesis that was not confirmed concerned a tendency to neutralize the rule “do not steal” once it has been violated; the method used here was projection where the respondents were to complete unfinished stories.  Against expectations, the tendency to neutralize that norm once it has been violated appeared to occur much more often among school youth than among wards of reformatories and juvenile homes. Of the various methods of reducing the anxiety resulting from a breach of another person’s property, both groups of school youth most often suggested neutralization of the norm of honesty. Wards of institutions, instead, much more often mentioned methods other than neutralization of the violated norm: e.g., focus on the derived or potential profit, or focus on the absence of threat with any negative consequences from without. The study questioned the role of delinquent neutralizations as conceived by Sykes and Matza in the origin of juvenile delinquency.  Unforfunately, the findings could not be interpreted explicitly. According to the theoretical assumptions made, a number of possible explanations of the  findings can be suggested which at least party exclude one another. A new empirical study would be necessary to verify those explanations.
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Przestępczość w Polsce w latach 1954-1958 w świetle statystyki milicyjnej

60%
Jasiński J., Syzduł E.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
1960
|
issue I
7-53
EN
  From the years 1945-1946 down to the present moment Polish police statistics have undergone a number of transformations and improvements concerning the collection of data, their elaboration, as well as the scope of the information collected. Judging on the basis of data coming from the years 1956-1957, about 90 per cent of the criminal cases made over to the law-courts with an indictment went through the hands of the police. The majority of the remaining 10 per cent of cases were dealt with direct by the Public Prosecutor’s Office (cases for a great variety of serious offences) or else by certain administrative organs (cases of minor forest thefts, tax offences, minor frauds in commerce, and a few others). In this way, police statistics may be considered as a source which makes it possible to form a relatively full picture of the offences brought to light in Poland. Certain transformations have also been undergone by the problem of the statistical unit accepted by police statistics. While previously (down to 1956-1957) such a unit was a criminal case (which might comprise a larger number of them), at present such a unit, in principle, consist of one offence. By offences, in police statistics, are understood felonies or misdemeanors, i.e. acts dealt with by the 1932 Criminal Code, still in force, or by special penal statutes, and for which the penalty is over three months custody or a fine of over 4500 zlotys. The statistical material contained in the present contribution has not been published so far, apart from the basic information provided by the Statistical Year-Books for the years 1956, 1957, and 1958. The number of the population of Poland increased from about 27 000 000 to 29 000 000 during the 1954 to 1958 period, while the number of city and town dwellers increased from about 11 300 000 to 13 500 000, and that of  village dwellers decreased from 15 700 000 to 15 500 000 in the same period. In the course of the above-mentioned period, therefore, the number of offences known to the police increased by 35 per cent, but the rate of delinquency, in connection with a certain increase in the total number of the population, increased only by 27 per cent. In the period preceding the Second World War, in the years 1927 to 1937, the number of offences brought to light every year was considerably larger (in 1934 as many as 658 thousand were registered, and in the years 1935 to 1937 nearly 600 thousand per annum); the rate of delinquency was expressed by the following coefficients: in 1934 - 2000, in 1935 - 1770, in 1936 - 1760, and in 1937 - 1710. The magnitude of delinquency in the years 1954 to 1958 differed considerably as between the territories of the several voivodeships. The highest rate of delinquency could be observed in the voivodeships of the Western Territories, with the exception of the voivodeship of Opole (in the several years of the period under investigation coefficients oscillated between 1450 and 2130), in the two largest cities: Warsaw (2470 b 2760) and Łódź (1590 to 1970), as well as in the most highly industrialized and urbanized region of the country' formed by the voivodeship of Katowice (1400 to 1680). Nearly one-third of all the offences known to the police were committed on the territory of a mere three voivodeships (those of Katowice, Wrocław, and the City of Warsaw), which contain rather over one-fifth of the country's population. The offences brought to tight by the police have been divided into four groups according to their kind: group I consists of offences against property, group II - of economic offences, group III – of offences against life and health, and group IV – of all the other offences. Offences against property, which comprise the accaparation of social property, thefts of individual property, robberies, frauds, forgeries, and damage to property, in 1954 and 1955 constituted about 70 per cent of all the offences brought to light (the number of such offences known to the police in these years was 214 470 and 238 911 respectively), in 1956 and 1957 about 65 per cent (241 543 and 261 621 offences respectively), and in 1958 about 60 per cent (251 788 offences). Their rate, in the years 1954 to 1958, was expressed by the figure of from 780 to 920 offences per 100 000 of the population.   In the 1954 to 1958 period, approximately 91 000 to 124 000 offences of accaparating social property were brought to light annually, while their number kept continually increasing down to 1957; in 1958 about 117 000 of them were made known to the police. It is a generally known and emphasized fact that the size of the obscure figure is particularly big with offences against property. It is to be presumed that this obscure figure is most conspicuous in the case of offences against social property. Among the offences against social property between 11 000 and 15 000 were burglaries. Out of a total of 11 989 of such offenses brought to light in 1958, 24 per cent were committed in the country (so that there were 188 of them for each 100 000 village dwellers), and 76 per cent - in the cities and towns (there were 679 of them per 100 000 of the population). According to the size of the cities and towns, the coefficients which depict the number of burglaries per 100 000 of the population assumed the following proportions: towns of up to 50 thousand inhabitants - 622, from 50 to 100 thousand inhabitants - 651, 100 to 200 thousand inhabitants - 676, and over 200 thousand inhabitants - 810. During the 1954 to 1958 period an approximate annual figure of from 111 000 to 131 000 thefts of individual property was known to the police, but as from 1955 their number diminished from year to year reaching the figure of 112 883 in 1958. Of the latter offences, 31 per cent were committed in the country (coefficient: 230), and 69 per cent in the cities and towns (coefficient:580). In the case of theft of individual property there was also a dependence between the size of the towns and the rate of such offences: in towns with a population below 50 thousand it was expressed by a coefficient of 470, in towns of between 50 and 100 thousand inhabitants - 720, from 100 to 200 thousand inhabitants - 620, over 200 thousand inhabitants - 750. Thefts of individual property with burglary amounted to 11 577 in 1958 (and their number has kept decreasing from year to year, starting from 1955, when 18 455 of them were known to the police. 13 per cent of them have been committed in the country (coefficient 154), and 87 per cent in the cities and towns (coefficient 689). According to the size of the towns, going from the smallest to the largest, the coefficients showing the rate of such offences were expressed in the following figures in 1958: 397, 918, 929 and 1067. If we count together the accaparation of social property and thefts of individual property and treat them jointly as thefts, it would appear that in the years 1954 to 1958 from 200 000 to 245 000 such offences were made known to the police every year; their rate was expressed by the figure of from 750 to 860 per 100 000 of the population. In the years 1954 to 1957 from 3000 to 4000 forgeries were known to the police every year; their number has tremendously increased in 1958, reaching the very figure of 6300 (i.e. 217 per 100 000 of the population). The number of robberies brought to light by the police amounted to 2066 in 1954 (coefficient:76), 2503 in 1955 (coefficient: 91), 2905 in 1956 (coefficient: 103), 3185 in 1957 (coefficient: 112), and 2503 in 1958 (coefficient: 89). The decrease in the number of such offences recorded in 1958 is estimated as connected with a real decrease in their number. Of the total of robberies known to the police in 1958, 35 per cent were committed in the country (thus there were 46 of them per 100 000 of the population), and 65 in the cities and towns (138 per 100 000 of the urban population). According to the size of the towns (from the smallest to the largest) the coefficients depicting the rate of robberies committed there looked as follows: 85, 141, 194, 213. The number  of  cases of receiving stolen goods has considerably increased within the 1954 to 1958 period, from 816 in 1954 (coefficient: 32), to 1880 in 1958 (coefficient: 65). Group Two of offences, described by the name of economic offences, has been made to include cases of speculation, corruption and neglect of duty by civil servants resulting in damage to the State economy, further, Treasury offences, and currency offences. In the years 1954 to 1957 from 36 000 to 40 000 such offences were known to the police every year; in 1958 their number has considerably increased, probably in connection with a greater diligence in prosecuting them, and amounted to as many as 53 579 (coefficient: 190). Group Three - that of offences against life and health - comprises: murder and manslaughter, infanticides, inflicting grievous injury to the body, and brawls. The total number of such offences has very considerably increased in the years 1954 to 1958, namely from 18 583 in 1954 (coefficient: 70) to 28 910 in 1958 (coefficient: 100), i.e. by about 60 per cent. Their share among all the offences recorded by the police has increased from 13 per cent in 1954 to 21 per cent in 1958. In the years 1954 to 1958 from 700 to 900 murders and manslaughters were recorded annually; in 1958 803 of them were known to the police, of which 620 were carried out and 183 attempted. Consequently there were 28 such offences per 100 000 of the population that year. In 1937 3 314 murders and manslaughters were recorded, i.e. 96 per 100 000 of the population. The number of infanticides recorded by the police did not go beyond the figure of 90 per year (in 1958 there were 75 such cases). In 1937 802 infanticides were brought to light. The number of recorded cases of inflicting grievous injury to the body and of participation in a brawl (with using a dangerous tool or else if death or grievous injury to the body were the result) has very considerably increased in the years 1954 to 1958 from 5 508 in 1954 (coefficient: 204) to 10 005 in 1958 (coefficient: 346). In 1954 6146 cases of inflicting serious or very serious injury to the body were known to the police (coefficient: 227), in 1958 – 8 350 (coefficient: 289). In 1954 6123 cases of inflicting slight bodily harm were record ed (coefficient: 227), and in 1958 _ 9677 (coefficient: 335). Of the offences included in Group Four particularly noteworthy are the offences against morality. In 1958 969 cases of rape were recorded; 901 cases of immoral acts with juveniles under 15 years of age, and 290 cases of abetting to prostitution and deriving profits therefrom. In the Polish text, the present contribution is supplemented with an annex which provides the more important items of the information collected by the police concerning road accidents, suicides, and prostitution.
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