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PL
Przywództwo polityczne uwarunkowane jest tradycją demokratyczną, krzyżu-jącymi się interesami różnych grup społecznych czy wyznaczaniem standardów przez media. W dobie „fabrykowanych wizerunków” coraz większą rolę od-grywa dopasowanie stylu kierowania państwem do potrzeb wyborców. Badania przeprowadzone na grupie liderów biznesu wskazują, że największą sku-teczność odnoszą liderzy o rozbudowanej inteligencji emocjonalnej (IE). Artykuł przedstawia adaptację teorii przywództwa, opracowanej w kontekście biznesu w odniesieniu do polityki. Międzykulturowe badania empiryczne (Polska, Szwajcaria, Gruzja) pokazują, że jakkolwiek mogą istnieć różnice wzorów per-cepcji i preferencji stylów przewodzenia, to w polityce –podobnie jak w bizne-sie – najmniejsze poparcie zyskują liderzy o stylu nakazowym, a największe – liderzy jednoczący, demokratyczni, wychowawczy czy autorytatywni. Rozpo-znanie roli IE i oczekiwań wyborców może m.in. pomóc w rozwoju kompetencji przywódców i ich właściwym pozycjonowaniu w kampaniach.
XX
Political leadership depends on democratic tradition, crossed interests of dif-ferent social groups or media influence. In the “age of manufactured images”, response to voters’ needs remains crucial. According to business theories of leadership, the most effective leaders are these who master emotional intelli-gence (EI) abilities. The paper tries to adapt business leadership theory to poli-tics. Cross-cultural studies conducted in Poland, Switzerland and Georgia show that, however profiles of perception and preferences of leadership styles might differ within the level of democracy maturity, in politics -as well as in business- coercive leaders gain the lowest support contrary to strongly sup-ported democratic, affiliative, coaching or authoritative leaders. Understand-ing of EI role and voters’ needs might be helpful in developing leaders’ skills and their proper positioning in political campaigns.
EN
When analyzing the questions of political leadership in the period between the years 1989 and 2009, it is essential to indicate the aims and progressions of the series of changes. These changes were mainly pertaining to the political elites' development and parliamentary elections. After 1989, a total collapse of the Soviet ideological monopoly took place, not only in Moldova, but also in other socialist countries, therefore shaping a new set of rules governing the political life and leadership of each nation respectively. Changes to the system that have taken place in the Republic of Moldova should be treated as a result of the following factors: the formation of the independence movement and the National Front, along with the logistical support from international institutions that helped to strengthen the statehood and the social affirmation of the nation. Since its independence, the Republic of Moldova, has witnessed an ongoing struggle for state sovereignty and political leadership stability. The years between 1991-2009 with respect to political leadership have become a visible example of a leadership characterized as authoritarian and autocratic. Political elites were characterized as „disabled” in relation to the role of Russia in the region. This condition has since been observed, despite many reforms having been introduced. The institution of political leadership in the Republic of Moldova between 1989-2009 was deprived of social authority, which in turn made the country's political system a non-consolidated one.
EN
The leadership qualities of political leaders in Africa are often characterized by historical and cultural determinants. It is a popu¬lar thought that the continent suffers from the crisis of leadership or lack of “good leaders”. The analyzed examples of two eminent South African politicians J. Smuts and N. Mandela represent a departure from this idea. Their respective political leadership styles and abilities stem from their particular personal traits and education. They are considered to be role models owing to their comportment and achievements. The role and influence of J. Smuts and N. Mandela on the situations in RSA and Africa as a whole cannot be overstated.
EN
The author discusses the changing nature of political leadership in united Italy, making reference to the four political systems: liberal Italy (1861-1922), Fascist Italy (1922-1945), The First Republic (1946-1994), The Second Republic (from 1994). He analyzes the practices of transformism under Depretis, Crispi and Giolitti, as well as Mussolini's image as the nation's hero. Furthermore the author describes the gradual decline of Christian Democrats' leaders from De Gasperi to Andreotti and the original approach adopted by Berlusconi. The cases are studied in order of their contribution to the present condition of Italian political leadership with respect to such criteria as the leaders' background, age, motivations and values, and their pragmaticism/idealism. Mosca's ruling class theory is applied throughout as to demonstrate specific Italian inspirations and meanings.
PL
Celem opracowania jest analiza porównawcza wypowiedzi sejmowych, wygłoszonych przez przywódców partii politycznych w Polsce odnośnie do religii. Zakres merytoryczny obejmuje cztery główne partie polityczne (PiS, PO, PSL, SLD) oraz ich 15 przywódców, wypowiadających się w Sejmie RP w latach 1991-2015. Należy stwierdzić, że problematyka szeroko rozumianej religii jest rzadko poruszana przez przywódców partii, na co wskazują 62 wypowiedzi spośród 3795. W ujęciu liczbowym o kwestiach związanych z religią częściej niż przywódcy PiS (8 odniesień) i PO (6) wypowiadali się liderzy SLD (28) oraz PSL (20). Przywódcami, którzy najczęściej odnosili się do aspektów religijnych, byli J. Oleksy (13 wystąpień – 5,8% ogółu jego wypowiedzi) oraz L. Miller (11 – 2,6%). Brak odwoływania się do kwestii religii dotyczy pięciu przywódców partyjnych: L. Kaczyńskiego, M. Płażyńskiego, R. Bartoszcze, J. Wojciechowskiego, K. Janika. Analiza jakościowa pokazała, że przywódcy partii odnosili się zasadniczo pozytywnie bądź neutralnie do kwestii związanych z religią. Pozytywny stosunek przejawiali głównie przywódcy PiS, PO oraz PSL. Natomiast neutralny, nie zaś negatywny (zwalczający) stosunek werbalny cechował przywódców SLD.
EN
This is a comparative study of the parliamentary utterances delivered by fifteen different leaders of the four main political parties in Poland (PiS, PO, PSL, SLD) on matters relating to religion in the years 1991-2015. Religion as such rarely made it into their sphere of interest, judging from the frequency of their remarks on it (62 out of total 3,795). Most instances belong to the politicians from SLD and PSL (28 and 20 times respectively). Leaders of PiS and PO mentioned religion 8 and 6 times respectively. Among leaders most often touching on aspects relating to religion were J. Oleksy (13 times, amounting to 5,8% of his parliamentary utterances) and L. Miller (11 times, that is, 2,6 of his total utterances). Five leaders, namely L. Kaczyński, M. Płażyński, R. Bartoszcze, J. Wojciechowski and K. Janik did not mention religion at all. Analysis of the remarks on religion by political leaders indicates their generally positive or neutral attitude to religious issues. The positive utterances would come mostly from the leaders of PiS, PO and PSL. Leaders of SLD would rather express their neutral attitude, and not a negative, or hostile one.
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