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EN
For the last few years, a slow process of a specific “cooling down” of religious and Church commitment has been taking place in Poland. In this article we assume that religiosity with institutional protection still plays an important role in the Church landscape of Polish society and the sphere of public life. In Poland, a positive attitude vis‑à‑vis the Catholic Church is an important determinant of one’s religiosity. Individuals who do not have confidence in the Church, and who evaluate it negatively as an institution, tend to participate less in religious practices, and their faith seems to be weakening. Religiosity and commitment to the Catholic Church in Poland are very closely related to each other. There are no major discrepancies in the opinion as to the extent of the secularization of society among Polish sociologists, but there are differences in the assessment and understanding in terms of the social role of the Church. Discussions on the position and role of the Catholic Church in society still go on, and we are far from a conclusive diagnosis, especially regarding our understanding and acceptance of a “model Church” that should function in a democratic and pluralistic society. The final answers remain in the realm of hypotheses and assumptions. The majority of Poles are convinced about the Church’s influence in various spheres of public life, including the political sphere. This view is predominant among almost two thirds of adult Poles, but also among the youth (even to a somewhat greater extent). This means that the Church is perceived by part of Polish society as a quasi‑political institution, or at least one that attempts to fulfill political functions. This view, which is quite popular among Poles, has been maintained at a relatively stable level since 1989. Among those who believe that the Church takes up too much space in the public life of Poland are found those people in whom every reference to public matters results in a rejection reaction, as well as among those who take on a moderate attitude, who consider that it would be better if the Church were less involved in matters of public life, particularly political. Most Poles accepts the principle of separation of Church and state, even though close to half of those surveyed have nothing against authorities who follow the Catholic social teaching. The views of many Poles on the place and role of the Church in the public life of the nation are to a certain extent ambivalent, and even inconsistent and incoherent. A major subject of public controversy is the presence of religious symbols in public life space, although most of Polish society speaks about such symbols with approval.
EN
This contribution deals with privacy at work from the angle of social psychology and ethics. The purpose is to try to find a definition of privacy itself and to point out the ambivalence of privacy in the private sphere of life and in the public sphere of life. It occurs that its roots are essentially ethical.
EN
The article is an analysis of Patriarch Kirill’s speech at the assembly of the Inter- Parliamentary Union (IPU) in St. Petersburg. It primarily discusses the demand for moral consensus, which is a condition for just laws and true peace. The article starts with a presentation of the specific political and religious context affecting the interpretation of both the IPU assembly in St. Petersburg and Patriarch Kirill’s speech. Subsequently, the author presents the Patriarch’s criticism of the liberal system of values and the conditions of genuine moral consensus; he also discusses the role of religion in reaching this consensus.
EN
This paper aims at analyzing the particular case concerning Ornella Labriola (1908-1991), who lived between Italy and Soviet Union. She was a guest of the famous hotel “Lux” in Moscow, the dwelling place of international Communism during the years of Stalinism. In that place, happened her love story with Giuseppe Rimola (1905-1938), delegate of Italian young communists in the Kjm (the Young Communist International). He was arrested and condemned to death as ”people’s enemy” in the gyre concerning he terror of Stalinism. During all her life, Ornella Labriola only desired to show people the truth about the death of her own partner, also to rescue the sense of her own existence and choices. The biographical approach of our research permits to emphasize witness’s feelings, believes, values and auto-reflexivity. Labriola was interviewed a year before her death. Her narration is focused on her relationship with ideology, with the revolutionary time when she grew, with the political treat as it was perceived during the thirties and forties; but also she talked about her love relation with her partner in a cultural context in which it was normal to sacrifice own private life on the altar of revolutionary necessities.
Avant
|
2019
|
vol. 10
|
issue 1
15-28
EN
The goal of this paper is to formulate several observations on the psychological relations between vita contemplativa and vita activa (hereafter, respectively, VC and VA) which manifest in the context of the two following problems: (1) what basic psychological mechanisms may propel an agent to forsake one type of life for the sake of another; and (2) what effect an agent’s deep involvement in VC may have for his attitude towards VA as well as for his manner of pursuing VA (if he decides to abandon VC and pursue this way of life). In the paper, the distinction is made between VC in the strong sense (metaphysically/religiously oriented) and VC in the weak sense, and it is argued, among others, that the two features of VC in the strong sense-selflessness and otherworldliness-make VC a desirable complement of VA (in its public form): the involvement in the public sphere motivated by VA is likely to be not only more effective, but also more durable thaThe goal of this paper is to formulate several observations on the psychological relations between vita contemplativa and vita activa (hereafter, respectively, VC and VA) which manifest in the context of the two following problems: (1) what basic psychological mechanisms may propel an agent to forsake one type of life for the sake of another; and (2) what effect an agent’s deep involvement in VC may have for his attitude towards VA as well as for his manner of pursuing VA (if he decides to abandon VC and pursue this way of life). In the paper, the distinction is made between VC in the strong sense (metaphysically/religiously oriented) and VC in the weak sense, and it is argued, among others, that the two features of VC in the strong sense-selflessness and otherworldliness-make VC a desirable complement of VA (in its public form): the involvement in the public sphere motivated by VA is likely to be not only more effective, but also more durable than the involvement propelled by disappointment with the private VA. Therefore, human beings should not be thought of as (broadly) divided into two rarely interpermeating categories namely those who are ‘psychologically destined’ for VC and those who are ‘psychologically destined’ for VA. Rather, the opposite seems to be true, namely that there exist strong motivational links in the direction from VC to VA.n the involvement propelled by disappointment with the private VA. Therefore, human beings should not be thought of as (broadly) divided into two rarely interpermeating categories namely those who are ‘psychologically destined’ for VC and those who are ‘psychologically destined’ for VA. Rather, the opposite seems to be true, namely that there exist strong motivational links in the direction from VC to VA.
EN
The royal throne was a permanent element of feudal political culture, and the institution of the monarchy, albeit decidedly less significant, has survived until today, playing a primarily symbolic role in the democratic systems in Europe. The subject of the paper looks at the role of Polish rulers’ wives, as the majority of monarchs started a family, and their offspring later took the throne. This was the case of both great dynasties – the Piasts, from the mid-10th century, i.e. from the baptism of Mieszko I, and the Jagiellons (until 1572). After these dynasties ended, the period of elective kings, who were crowned with their wives, started. Over the years, at the very least, the informal role of the queens was growing. This process paved the way to women’s liberation, and, as of the end of the 18th century, it also encompassed the families of magnates and affluent gentry. A meaningful statement can be found in the poetry written by Bishop Ignacy Krasicki in the latter half of the same century, when he addressed men saying: “we rule the world, and women rule us”. The paper is only a sketch and promises a more in-depth monographic study.
Nurt SVD
|
2018
|
issue 2
199-214
PL
Autorka artykułu przedstawia Kościół katolicki jako instytucję obecną w życiu publicznym, tj. zarówno w sferze publicznej, jak i politycznej. Wskazuje przy tym na znaczenie każdej z tych sfer. Chcąc pokazać, jak współcześnie powinny przedstawiać się relacje między dwiema instytucjami (tj. między państwem a Kościołem), działającymi w tym samym obszarze (tj. w życiu publicznym), wysunięte wnioski odnosi do wybranych aktów prawnych regulujących stosunki państwo – Kościół w III Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej.
EN
The author of this article shows the Catholic Church as an institution present in the public and political life. She emphasises the importance of each of these spheres, and aims at demonstrating the rules by which the proper relationship between the two realms (state and church), operating in the same areas of public life today, should be governed. In her conclusions she refers to a number of selected legal acts regulating the relationship between the Polish state and the Church in the Third Polish Republic.
EN
Architecture and art: this is an archetypal issue, as architecture, as an applied art, is most likely the oldest and the most durable of all the arts. According to the classic sequence: civis, civitas, civilitas, architecture is an expression of civilisation, which takes place in cities whose essence is public life. Obviously, this life requires physical framework. Because a discussion of history and meaning of the art of shaping public space as such greatly exceeds the scope of this article, the authoress decided to treat the subject as a point of departure to an analysis of a few examples of Polish architecture of the recent years, in respect of public spaces and their service to public life. The achievements of Jan Gehl, which were also presented during the International Biennale of Architecture in Krakow, became an inspiration here. The last part of the essay refers to the newest events related to the COVID-19 pandemic situation. Draconic limitations were imposed on life in public space, posing several questions regarding the consequences of this situation for architecture as the art of shaping public spaces.
PL
Architektura i sztuka to temat wręcz archetypiczny: architektura jako sztuka stosowana jest zapewne najstarszą i najtrwalszą ze sztuk. Zgodnie z klasyczną sekwencją civis, civitas, civilitas, architektura jest wyrazem cywilizacji tworzonej w miastach, których esencję stanowi życie publiczne wymagające przestrzennych ram. Ponieważ dyskusja o historii i znaczeniu sztuki kształtowania przestrzeni publicznej przekracza zakres tego artykułu, autorka postanowiła potraktować temat jako punkt wyjścia do rekapitulacji kilku przykładów polskiej architektury ostatnich lat – w aspekcie przestrzeni publicznych i służby życiu publicznemu. Inspiracją są tu dokonania Jana Gehla, prezentowane także w ramach Międzynarodowych Biennale Architektury w Krakowie. Ostatnia część odnosi się do najnowszych wydarzeń pandemii COVID-19, które narzuciły surowe ograniczenia dla życia w przestrzeni publicznej. Powstają pytania o konsekwencje tego nieoczekiwanego rozwoju wydarzeń dla architektury jako sztuki kształtowania.
EN
The article is an analysis of Patriarch Kirill’s speech at the assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) in St. Petersburg. It primarily discusses the demand for moral consensus which is a condition for just rights and true peace. The article starts with a presentation of the specific political and religious context affecting the interpretation of both the IPU assembly in St. Petersburg as well as Patriarch Kirill’s speech. Subsequently, his criticism of the liberal system of values as ineffective for moral consensus and the conditions of authentic moral consensus, as well as the role of religion in its elaboration arc discussed.
PL
Artykuł jest analizą wystąpienia patriarchy Cyryla podczas zgromadzenia Unii Międzyparlamentarnej (IPU) w Petersburgu, a zwłaszcza zawartego w tym przemówieniu kluczowego postulatu, jakim jest konsensus moralny, będący dla patriarchy warunkiem sprawiedliwych praw i autentycznego pokoju. Punktem wyjścia przedstawianych rozważań jest specyficzny kontekst polityczno-religijny, wpływający na interpretację zarówno samego zgromadzenia IPU w Petersburgu, jak też rzucający światło na wymowę przemówienia patriarchy. W następnej kolejności przedstawiona jest dokonana przez niego krytyka liberalnego systemu wartości oraz warunki autentycznego konsensusu moralnego, a także rola religii w jego wypracowywaniu.
EN
Education to honesty should be based on giving a good example by Catholics, building organizations and associations, which in practice would take joint responsibility for public life. The church was and is a teacher of society. The article aims to show some aspects of the Church’s responsibility in the education of the society to honesty on the example of Blessed Fr. Bronisław Markiewicz. Fr. Markiewicz knew that the witness of Christian life has enormous power and is able to rebuild whole societies. The author shows in his article that religion – according to Fr. B. Markiewicz - is a value that fosters integrity, motivates and enriches the human personality, leading the way and directions for universal and fundamental values , including patriotic and civic ones.
EN
The article contains a brief discussion of the problem of openness of activities of executive bodies of local and regional government on the commune/municipality, district, and province level. After a brief introduction, the authors analyzed the constitutional and statutory conditions for access to public information and the nature of openness of activities of public authorities. The authors discussed not only on the key constitutional provisions but also selected articles of the Act on access to public information in the context of the openness principle. The next part of the article discusses the problem of public information in the practical activities of district heads, district management boards, and province management boards. Of course, openness of activities of executive bodies is subject to numerous limitations; therefore, the analysis that followed focused on the scope of openness of activities of executive bodies of units of local and regional government. The scope of such activities is regulated in detail in Art. 6 of the Act on access to public information. In the conclusion, the authors mentioned the few publications related to the problem of openness of activities of executive bodies of units of local and regional government and the need for analysis of many other issues related to this subject, which the authors were unable to discuss due to the limited size of the article.
PL
W ramach niniejszego artykułu została krótko scharakteryzowana problematyka jawności działania organów wykonawczych gminy, powiatu i województwa samorzą- dowego. Po krótkim wstępie autorzy przystąpili do analizy konstytucyjnych i ustawowych przesłanek dostępu do informacji publicznej, jak też istoty jawności działania organów władzy publicznej. Skomentowane zostały nie tylko najistotniejsze konstytucyjne przepisy, ale także wybrane artykuły z ustawy o dostępie do informacji publicznej w kontekście zasady jawności. W kolejnym etapie artykułu rozważania odnosiły się do problematyki informacji publicznej w praktyce działalności wójta, zarządu powiatu i zarządu województwa. Oczywiście jawność działania organów wykonawczych podlega licznym ograniczeniom, dlatego też dalsza analiza odnosi- ła się do zakresu jawności działania organów wykonawczych jednostek samorządu terytorialnego. Zakres owych działań został szczegółowo unormowany w art. 6 ustawy o dostępie do informacji publicznej. W ramach podsumowania autorzy zwrócili uwagę na nieliczne opracowania odnoszące się do problemu jawności działania organów wykonawczych jednostek samorządu terytorialnego, jak też potrzeby analizy wielu innych kwestii związanych z niniejszym tematem, których autorzy nie zdołali omówić w związku z niewielką objętością artykułu.
PL
War on Memorials in Catalonia. What to Do with Commemoration of the Battle of the Ebro The article discusses the conflicts taking place in public life over interpretation of the significance of places of national memory. The author presents them on the example of the dispute that arose in Spain over a memorial in the Catalan city of Tortosa. It commemorates the Battle of the Ebro, the military operation of the largest scale and consequences during the Spanish Civil War. The opponents of the memorial consider it as a testimony to the victory of Francoism and an unsightly and disgraceful element in the urban tissue. They appeal for its liquidation, while those arguing for its preservation and reinterpretation of the symbolic meaning treat it as an architecturally valuable distinguishing feature of the city. The fate of the controversial memorial does not rest solely in the hands of local authorities, but it has become a subject of political disagreement, disputes among residents and non-governmental activities. They are taking place against a background of the current legal basis of historical memory (Law 52/2007 of 26 December), which was developed by the political Left to compensate for the harm done to the victims of the Civil War and the Francoist dictatorship, and to implement changes in public space in connection with the traces of Francoism. However, its content leaves quite a big decision-making margin to the public authorities as to removing the traces of the regime from reinterpretation.
PL
Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie głównych problemów związanych z legitymizacją władzy politycznej. W pierwszej części syntetycznie przedstawiono możliwe rozumienia samego pojęcia legitymizacji oraz terminów z nią pokrewnych. W drugiej części artykułu podjęto próbę omówienia istoty procesu legitymizacji w danych kulturach politycznych. Punktem wyjścia do tej analizy uczyniono podstawową typologię kultur politycznych zaproponowaną przez amerykańskich politologów G.A. Almonda i S. Verby’ego. W ostatniej części artykułu przyjęto założenie, że we współczesnych demokracjach proces legitymizacji jest iluzoryczny ze względu na brak aktywności społeczeństwa, a właściwie jego alienowanie się ze sfery życia publicznego, zwłaszcza politycznego
EN
The objective of this paper is to present the main problems, which concern the legitimization of power. The different ways of understanding the notion of legitimization and other related terms are presented in the first part of article. The attempt to discuss the essence of the legitimization process in different political cultures is presented in the second part. The basic typology of political cultures proposed by American political scientists G.A. Almond and S. Verba is the starting point of this analysis. There was an assumption taken in the last part of the paper, that in contemporary democracies the legitimization process is illusive considering the lack of social activity, actually an alienation from public life, especially political.
PL
Na podstawie wskazań Jana Pawła II skierowanych do polskich parlamentarzystów można stwierdzić, że wyzwaniem współczesnej cywilizacji jest urzeczywistnianie uniwersalnych wartości: pokoju, solidarności, sprawiedliwości i wolności. W ich realizacji szczególne miejsce zajmuje jednostka ludzka osadzona w szerokiej panoramie człowieczeństwa. W budowie nowej rzeczywistości cywilizacyjnej ważnym nakazem kulturowym jest pielęgnowanie dziedzictwa przeszłości oraz odnoszenie się do wyzwań przyszłości z nadzieją i ufnością. Ludzi życia publicznego, w tym polityków oraz naukowców, czyni się podmiotami odpowiedzialnymi za budowę „dobra wspólnego”, za urzeczywistnianie wartości: wolności, sprawiedliwości, świata bardziej ludzkiego.
EN
It can be stated on the basis of John Paul’s II indications directed to Polish members of parliament that the challenge of contemporary civilization is realizing universal values: peace, solidarity, justice and freedom. A human being placed in the broad panorama of the society takes a special place in its realization. An important cultural dictate in building the new reality is caring for the heritage of the past and relating to the challenges of the future with hope and trust. People of public life, including politicians and scientists are made responsible subjects for building the ”common good”, for making real the values: freedom, justice, more human world.
PL
W artykule przybliża się życie i działalność księży Macieja i Juliana Smoleńskich, powiązanych z autorem więzami genealogiczno‑przestrzennymi. Wskazuje się na ich drogę edukacyjną, duszpasterską oraz pasje badawcze i popularyzujące wiedzę religijną. Przypomina się, że ks. Maciej Smoleński ujawnił duże zainteresowanie dziejami kościołów na ziemi dobrzyńskiej. Zgromadził bogaty materiał faktograficzny o ich przeszłości i teraźniejszości, opublikował go w książce „Cztery kościoły w ziemi dobrzyńskiej”. W pracy podniósł ważne przesłania metodyczne, dotyczące dokumentowania wiedzy o współczesności. Ks. Julian Smoleński ujawnił podobne zainteresowanie, a w tym szczególny rozgłos przyniosła mu książka „100 mów pogrzebowych”. Kreśląc ogniwa działalności duszpasterskiej obu księży, wskazuje się na ich relacje rodzinne. Mieli oni braci, nad którymi sprawowali opiekę po śmierci ojca, a którzy stali się luminarzami polskiej nauki. Przykładowo Władysław Smoleński jest uznawany za luminarza świata intelektualnego epoki pozytywizmu, legitymował się bogatym dorobkiem badawczym dotyczącym dziejów Polski, przede wszystkim XVIII w. W analizie poznawczej wskazuje się na najważniejsze zasługi księży Smoleńskich oraz członków ich rodziny, jak też na świat wartości kulturowo‑cywilizacyjnych.
EN
The lives and activities of two priests: Maciej and Julian Smoleńki are described in the paper, especially their education, priesthood and chaplainship, their research passion and work to popularize religious knowledge. Fr. Maciej Smoleński was especially interested in the history of the churches in the region of Dobrzyń. His most important book is “The history of the churches in the region of Dobrzyń”. His brother, fr. Julian Smoleński was also interested in history, but he made a name with the book “A hudred funeral orations”. Family relationships are also noticed. The priests had two brothers and, as their father died, they took care of them. One of the brothers – Władysław Smoleński – is recognised as one of the most important Polish intellectuals in the late XIX century.
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Życie publiczne a moralność

51%
Zeszyty Naukowe KUL
|
2018
|
vol. 61
|
issue 2
399-415
EN
Public life involves a variety of actions ordinary people undertake within the interstitial domain, located between the private realm of households and the institutional area of the state. Although public life was commonly cultivated in the ancient times as a way to attain stages of refined emancipation, its contemporary forms stem from the modern bourgeois culture. Owing to the fact, that public life plays out around issues that are of crucial significance for the proper existence of individuals and groups, it becomes a field of particular moral responsibility. Responsible actions in the public realm demand a stable disposition of adopting all available means for improving the social subsystems, particularly those which directly fall under civic scrutiny: politics and culture
PL
Życie publiczne to wszelkie działania zwykłych ludzi podejmowane w szczelinowym obszarze pomiędzy sferą prywatności a państwem. Choć kultywowane w antyku jako sposób osiągania wysublimowanej emancypacji, swą aktualną formę zawdzięcza nowożytnej kulturze mieszczańskiej. Ponieważ życie publiczne rozgrywa się wokół kwestii nieodzownych dla prawidłowej egzystencji zbiorowości staje się szczególnym polem odpowiedzialności. Odpowiedzialność w życiu publicznym polega na możliwie najbardziej efektywnym wykorzystaniu rezerwuaru dostępnych środków, celem korygowania społecznego świata systemów cząstkowych, zwłaszcza tych bezpośrednio poddanych społecznemu skrutynium: polityki i kultury.
EN
Hate speech is a common phenomenon in the language of contemporary politics and in public life. Although the phenomenon of hate speech itself should not raise any doubts as to its reprehensible nature, it is nevertheless connected with ethical dilemmas - hate speech may appear as a tool used in a just cause or as an action legitimately stigmatizing unquestionable evil. At the same time, consenting to hate speech leads to the relativization of good and evil - it is synonymous with accepting the lesser evil. The authors of the article conclude that European legislation should place greater emphasis on creating a coherent definition of hate speech, which would be the same for all EU Member States, and on penalizing this phenomenon. In line with European law, national law should respond to the challenges of the present day. Undoubtedly, one of them is the omnipresence of hate speech in public debate.
PL
Mowa nienawiści jest zjawiskiem powszechnie występującym w języku współczesnej polityki i sferze życia publicznego. Choć samo zjawisko mowy nienawiści nie powinno budzić żadnych wątpliwości odnośnie do jego nagannej oceny, to jednak łączy się z dylematami etycznymi – mowa nienawiści może jawić się jako narzędzie użyte w słusznej sprawie czy też jako działanie zasadnie piętnujące niekwestionowalne zło. Jednocześnie przyzwolenie na mowę nienawiści prowadzi do relatywizacji dobra i zła – jest tożsame z akceptacją „mniejszego zła”. Autorzy artykułu konkludują, że ustawodawstwo europejskie powinno położyć większy nacisk na stworzenie spójnej definicji mowy nienawiści, która byłaby tożsama dla wszystkich państw członkowskich UE, oraz penalizację tego zjawiska. W ślad za prawem europejskim prawo krajowe powinno odpowiadać na wyzwania współczesności. Niewątpliwie jednym z nich jest wszechobecność języka nienawiści w debacie publicznej.
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