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EN
Japan 311 earthquake/tsunami and the following nuclear disaster in Fukushima create a strong anti-nuclear public opinion in Taiwan. Thus, the government was forced to seal Taiwan's fourth nuclear power plant at Dragon Gate, wavering its final decision. Nonetheless, the immediate damage caused by the nuclear disaster is far less than earthquake/tsunami. Why should people be scared by the nuclear disaster rather than the huge destructiveness of earthquake/tsunami? Indeed, the real danger after a nuclear disaster is the long-term health risks caused by radiation, but the health risks of unhealthy diet and lifestyle are actually far greater than those from radiation. Since people can accept unhealthy diet and lifestyle, why can't they accept nuclear power plant? Moreover, the climax of anti-nuclear public opinion in Taiwan was not reached at the immediate aftermath of 2011 3/11 earthquake/tsunami but three years later in 2014. Why was it? This article addresses all these puzzles and argues that, anti-nuclear public opinion in Taiwan is the product of lack of knowledge and political manipulation. With more information and without political ideology, the anti-nuclear public opinion in Taiwan will be changed. This argument is later confirmed by the internet questionnaire survey of article.
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The extent of support of extremist ideology is a major area of concern for both policy makers and academic researchers. Identifying the extent and correlates of a difficult to measure concept such as extremist ideology is often limited by the use of a single imperfect indicator. This paper outlines one approach, latent class analysis (LCA), to overcome this issue and uses the example of estimating support for such ideology in Pakistan. Using survey data from Pakistani men, the level of support is estimated using LCA employing several indicators related to extremism. The results suggest that although most Pakistanis are not supportive of extremist ideology, a substantively important portion of men are supportive. LCA also allows for class assignment, which is useful for understanding covariate relationships with the latent variable. Based on the results of the LCA, respondents are assigned to different classifications of extremist support, and a continuation-ratio logistic regression model is employed allowing for more covariates to be examined. The results suggest that there are a number of characteristics important in influencing support within this subset of the population. In particular, younger and less educated men are more likely to support extremism ideology. The results suggest a potentially useful methodology in understanding extremism, as well as a greater understanding of the problem of extremist support.
EN
The aim of this paper is to juxtapose the image of mentally ill persons in the world cinematography with the perceptions of this social category in the Polish society. Analysis made by the author was based on the selection of well known movies to compare with some results that are available in the reports published by CBOS (a Polish Public Opinion Research Centre). In both sources the social isolation of mentally ill people is a key trait of their image, moreover, the way mental illness is shown in movies is relatively stereotypical and departs from scientific knowledge, whereas people interviewed in the surveys regarding their contacts with and attitudes toward the mentally ill individuals reveal their apprehension and willingness to keep a distance.
EN
Polling of the general public opinions and behaviors in politics permanently entered mass media and also became a serious source of political commentaries and analysis. The author of this paper considers possible risks and possibilities due to exploiting results of public surveys done by research institutions and then used for scientific analysis and commenting current political processes. Research question which the author poses, pertains to credibility conditions of political surveys as the sources of data used for political analyses. This author puts forward a hypothesis that credibility of data gained from research providers depends essentially on many factors, such as methodology used, technical approach to research, realization, and familiarity with both as well as evaluative competence of scientists. The author points out good and bad points of particular research procedures and shows basic criteria used as the basis on which a political scientist may be able to assess the quality of survey’s data or compare results of various surveys. In a situation where voters’ and politicians’ communication reality is constantly changing and mass media influence the voting process, opinion polls become an important player on the political scene, and this is why they are evaluated on their credibility. It often happens that opinion pollsters are accused of deliberate lies. The following aspects were analyzed in this text: specifis of the method used in researching public opinions, surveys used in political science, detailed considerations pertaining to research character, research sample, realization indices, tools and techniques, and fially, conclusions concerning the credibility evaluation of survey’s opinion.  
EN
This article examines the relationship between voter turnout (or, precisely, turnout intention) and variables related to the perception of the election campaign in the broader context of the other types of variables such as basic socio-demographic or political characteristics. The data used in this analysis are from surveys conducted during the period of three month before elections in 2010. All of the surveys were designed as public opinion polls and approximately 1000 Czech adults were interviewed nationwide at the beginning of each month. To explain the relationship between voter turnout (or rather a kind of readiness to vote) and the perception of the campaign, the binary logistic regression was chosen and three models were created. In relation to voter turnout, in addition to basic socio-demographic characteristics, the variables related to the perception of the election campaign are statistically significant, too. In the extended model, however, it is showed that behind the effects of most of them stands the rate of interest in politics. The only variable, which draws on a basis other than the interest in politics, proved to be awareness and acceptance of campaign influence on own voting behaviour. The frequency of consumption of media content proved to be more important than age, education and living standards. However, again behind these variables stands the interest in politics. Therefore, the interest in politics appears to be essential in relation to voter turnout in our analysis.
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Trwoga 10/04 w świetle badań opinii publicznej

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EN
April 10th 2010 is undoubtedly one of the most important dates in modern Polish political history. 96 high Polish officials, including President Lech Kaczynski, died in an airplane crash in Smolensk. It can be assumed that this tragedy had a great impact on political attitudes. Unfortunately, very few authors in Poland conducted empirical research on this topic. The paper addressed the issue of probable psychological consequences of Smolensk Crash on political attitudes in the light of terror management theory. On this ground it can be said that arousing of mortality awareness after April 10th should result in a widespread feeling of terror. In other words, “threat of annihilation” should occur as a consequence of recalling those who died in Smolensk in the media. One of the major mechanisms to manage such anxiety is construction and maintenance of cultural worldviews, like ideologies. It leads to the hypothesis that when threatened, people are more likely to think and act in accordance with the cultural worldviews they share. Political leaders can be seen as guards of these cultural worldviews and if it is so, then trust and support for the politicians should increase when mortality salience occurs. Some of the public opinion research conducted in the first days after Smolensk crash are used to illustrate this hypothesis.
EN
The paper examines recent developments in fear of crime in the Czech Republic. The dynamics of fear and concerns are on the rise, although the standard measure of fear has reached an average, stabilized level when compared to the rest of Europe. However, there is another emerging subject of concern, maybe even a new scapegoat for the public’s worries – corruption. This text demonstrates an evident increase in concerns about corruption as well as instances of bribery in everyday practice. Although the transition to democracy in the Czech Republic after 1989 offered a picture of a “tolerant” society, accepting the necessary social costs of change, the conclusion about “risk normalization” is not quite valid when it comes to corruption: the concerns about corruption go beyond the sphere of public opinion (i.e. attitudes) as Czech citizens exhibit high involvement in bribery in everyday life. The increase in concerns about corruption also presents a serious risk with respect to people’s trust in the social system and its key institutions.
EN
Developing of large-scale lignite excavation can often generate socio-environmental conflicts between mining-energy companies and various stakeholders, such as local communities or ecological organizations. In this context indication of potential channels of communication with local communities’ is needed to increase the level of their satisfaction with own knowledge and to optimize the social dialogue. The paper presents the results of a questionnaire survey conducted in selected communities of the Łódź voivodeship where surface mining exists at present (Kleszczów) or will be developed soon (Złoczew). They were realized with the Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing on the representative groups of adults. The paper contains analysis of two selected closed-type questions: the first one concerned self-assessment of knowledge level of lignite mining, the second one - sources of information on mining activity. Previous media reports on mining activity in the examined areas were analysed, too. As it seems, various means of social communication should be used: television and radio are the major source of information for local communities, printing press and the Internet are important as well. A detailed set of communication channels and the content of individual messages should be carefully selected for specific target groups (depending on gender, age and education). It should be emphasized that a properly conducted public debate may prove to be one of the factors determining the success of mining-energy investments and sustainable development of some regions.
EN
On 26 April 1994, the Lithuanian and Polish presidents signed in Vilnius the Treaty between the Republic of Lithuania and the Republic of Poland on friendly relations and good neighbourly cooperation. The Lithuanian press devoted much attention to the progress of negotiations in drafting this document and to its ratification by the Lithuanian Seimas in October 1994. During 1993–1994, the Lithuanian newspapers Lietuvos rytas, Respublika, Lietuvos aidas, Tiesa, Kurier Wileński, also several smaller newspapers, such as Voruta, Gimtasis kraštas, Atgimimas, SSI, Amžius, published the articles devoted to a discussion of the Lithuanian-Polish relations. This publication aims at conducting an analysis of the Lithuanian press and reviewing the articles devoted to the drafting, signature and ratification of the Treaty between the Republic of Lithuania and the Republic of Poland on friendly relations and good neighbourly cooperation, as well as to the political situation in Lithuania at the time of the drafting and signature of the mentioned agreement.
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EN
The article reveals the processes of transformation of diplomatic activity of the state under the influence of the Internet information and communication services. Relevance of this problem is caused by new opportunities and challenges the state diplomatic service faces under conditions of existence of such cross-border communication media as the Internet. In particular, it includes the possibilities of establishing the channels of target audiences direct informing abroad and operational informing of the world community as for rather topical issues of the state foreign policy. In the present political conditions and limited (compared with Russia) media opportunities it is more important for Ukraine to use the Internet to deliver its position on urgent problems of its domestic and foreign policy.
EN
This paper is concerned with the issue of public opinion considered from two points of view: ethical and educational. It has been inspired by the insufficient knowledge of society about public opinion as well as the gullibility of the general public as regards the acceptance of the results of public opinion polls. Therefore, the ethical and educational dimension of this phenomenon are not recognized, which results in a severe lack of research and publications on the topic. The paper consists of three parts. The first part introduces basic facts about public opinion and its major mechanisms. The second one deals with the phenomenon of public opinion as an ethical problem, while the third one is devoted to the problem of education aimed at the development of mature perception of public opinion and active participation in the process. The problem of public opinion is treated as an important and urgent task for ethicists and teachers. This seems relevant as an increasing influence of public opinion on both individuals and a whole society is observed in various areas, including politics, economy, culture and trade. Public opinion also affects an information order, which is of significance to the state and its citizens in the light of the emergence of a communication society.
EN
For the purposes of this article it has been assumed that public opinion is a rapidly changing state of consciousness of large social groups, made up of more or less stable ideas and beliefs, relating to debatable issues, which has a direct or indirect impact on the current or future interests of society by its properties. This article aims to analyze the impact of public opinion on Polish foreign policy after 1989. The article assumes that: the public opinion has an impact on decisions affecting foreign policy, although the extent of this impact is very different and often is purely indirect; impact of public opinion in Poland on foreign policy increases, but still shall be defined only as incidental impact; public opinion in Poland does not determine foreign policy.
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EN
The article presents voters opinion about two aspects of political celebritization: celebritization of style and substance of politicians’ communication and politization fo celebrities. 64% of respondents sees similarities between politicians’ and celebrities’ communication form and content while only 22% of respondents agree with the thesis of politization of celebrities.
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EN
Politics is a particular field of social activity where accusing an opponent of mental incapacitation occurs as a frequent element of the conducted narrative. Moreover, public opinion discrediting a profession of a politician is very eager to question the mental health of political actors. Vocabulary used in the public is a vital testimony of societies attitude towards people with mental disorders. However, we refer paranoia to personality traits of individuals while political paranoia refers to reaction to events, facts or to the way it is seen by individuals or groups. The authors do not have any ambition to carry out a psychological analysis of politicians. What is intriguing is the issue of using political paranoia (searching for enemies, tracking plots, fighting in defence of ideals, irrational justification of failures) in the group spectrum for elections. What is also intriguing is the answer to the question whether politicians are paranoid, or it is a well-planned election strategy which aims to identify an opponent to consolidate a group of voters around the leader.
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EN
This paper deals with results of a special survey focused on the problem (issue) of historical consciousness of Communist Party voters. The opening part of the article presents a theoretical and methodological framework: there is introduced an operationalization of concepts such as collective memory, historical consciousness, collective identity, and also outlined the position of the Communist Party in the Czech post-communist political system. The empirical part of the text is devoted to the problems of Czech modern history, particularly to the way in which Communist Party electorate in different contexts assesses various historical periods or phenomena prior to 1989 and also how a subsequent systemic change is reflected.
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EN
According to the results of the study one of the most surprising changes that can be observed in the Polish society is a significant decrease of social confidence toward courts. It is worth noticing that society under communism and during the first years after its collapse had a rather positive attitude toward court activity. The explanation of this visible paradox concerning a little social confidence in courts in the post communist Poland is mostly created by the way in which media (television, radio, press and Internet) present court and judges. It should be noted that media very often concentrate on the negative as well as sensational aspects of administration of justice. It is also worth noticing that such not always objective and just evaluation can undermine the social trust toward jurisdiction and thus to the whole social and legal order.
EN
The article discusses the possible introduction of the euro in Poland. The legal and social aspects of responding to the will of the people on this matter have been analyzed. The accession of a Member State to the Economic and Monetary Union is subject to conditions, specifi ed by convergence criteria, to ensure good preparation of that Member State for the adoption of a single European currency and its integration with the eurozone. Poland is subject to a temporary derogation, which means that it is obliged to join the Economic and Monetary Union after meeting these criteria. Despite of the lack of a deadline for the adoption of the euro by Member States that joined the EU in 2004 or later, the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU (Article 119) requires them to introduce common currency in an indefi nite future. In Poland, the issue occasionally raised in the discussion is that citizens should decide in the referendum whether to convert the zloty into euro. Taking into account the predominance of unfavourable attitude to adopting the European currency and strong concerns about its negative impact on the Polish economy and domestic households, it is reasonable to question whether in such circumstances the decision to adopt the euro is legitimate and whether the public opinion may be crucial in the process of adoption common currency in Poland. What legal nuances are important in the referendum on the euro? The experience of other states that have been responsive to the will of the people on the adoption of the euro should be a warning. The Swedes and Danes voted to retain the national currency, based not merely on economic arguments, but also on national symbols.
Decyzje
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2014
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issue 21
67-94
EN
Scholars have argued that Eastern Europe’s communist past drives signifi cant differences in Eastern and Western Europeans’ social justice norms. However, much of this research examined attitudes before the East’s accession to the European Union (EU). Using data from the International Social Survey Project’s 1999 and 2009 Social Inequality surveys, I compare Eastern and Western Europeans’ attitudes toward income redistribution to examine whether EU integration has coincided with a convergence in Eastern and Western social justice norms. I find that although average levels of support for redistribution have remained stable overtime in the East, there have been important changes in ways that Eastern Europeans form opinions about redistribution. First, class status has become more important in shaping Eastern attitudes since the East’s EU accession. By 2009, its effect in the East was not significantly different from its effect in the West. Second, while citizens’ experience under communism signifi cantly affected Eastern attitudes before EU accession, its effect has become insignifi cant overtime. These fi ndings suggest that the East’s communist past is no longer an important driver of variations in social justice norms across the EU.
EN
The article analyzes the attitude of the Bulgarian population against immigrants, which is expressed in its protest activities, in the media, scientific and other public appearances of celebrities. Furthermore, analyzes attitudes towards the problems with immigrants of the main Bulgarian political parties
Zeszyty Prasoznawcze
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2014
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vol. 57
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issue 2
422-433
EN
In this study I wrote about the findings of the BKF Viadukt research among Hungarian teenagers. Thanks to the focus group research and the survey, we found that Hungarian teenagers openly and willingly talk about their social media use habits, give access to their data, profile and cover pictures, the structure of their social network and the applications they use. They usually gave access to save their personal data for the research. We were able to determine what social media channels were popular among them in 2013, which were used more actively, and for what purposes.
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