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EN
Both in German and in Slovak, the reflexive constructions, i.e. those with the component sich in German or sa/si (in the longer form seba/sebe) in Slovak, are common constructions with significant parallels but also contrasts in usage. The reflexivity is largely polysemantic in both languages; reflexivation can be motivated in different ways; the reflexive can have different morphosyntactic features and fulfil different functions. In the context of German-Slovak contrastive linguistics, the phenomenon of reflexivity has been dealt with rather peripherally. Therefore, the article aims to outline the similarities and contrasts of the reflexive constructions in both languages from the linguistic point of view, comparing their semantic and morphosyntactic features. It also aims to illustrate the most important functions of reflexivity. For this purpose, the approaches in German and Slovak grammar theories were analysed and compared using specific examples. The author discusses following categories: obligatory reflexive verbs, reflexive forms of non-reflexive verbs, verbs with semantic reflexivity, reciprocal verbs and reflexive constructions with passive perspective: reflexive passive, medio-passive and sich-lassen-constructions. The findings show that there is a terminological discrepancy between the two languages regarding the classes of verbs with reflexive pronoun, but this can be eliminated by an expanded definition. The reflexivity is polyfunctional in both languages. Rather than coreference, some of the most important functions of reflexivity are primarily expressing passive perspective and, especially in Slovak, the word formation. The most important difference derives from the fact that the reflexive passive in Slovak is considered to be the equivalent of the German werden-passive. In all respects it can be seen that the area of reflexivity in both languages extends far beyond verb semantics.
EN
The text presents two case studies from the area of Polish middle voice morpho-syntax. One case concerns anticausatives formed with the particle się and their simpler counterparts based on identical roots. The other – "clear" alternating frame verbs, their prefixed correspondents and middle formations based on the same roots. The first case strikes us as problematic for both modern approaches to morpho-syntax in generative grammar – the lexicalist approach and the root based construction approach. It turns out to be problematic for the first model only, if certain proposals (in particular Alexiadou and Doron 2012) concerning non-active morpho-syntax are discarded. The second case shows, however, that certain data cannot be explained within the root based grammar, while the lexicalist mechanisms account for them naturally. Polish morpho-syntax calls for introducing clear demarcation lines between the data that can be rendered by syntactic mechanisms and such which require lexical analyses and "productivity" of the data cannot provide such a boundary. They need to be drawn on an empirical basis.
EN
The present paper is devoted to the concept of reciprocity and to reciprocal expressions, which are divided into two main classes. Those belonging to the first of them signify reciprocity on their own, i.e. without any additional reciprocal markers. The other class contains expressions that acquire ability to refer to reciprocal states of affairs only as a result of appropriate transformations. Different reciprocal markers – grammatical, lexical and quantifying – are singled out and thoroughly characterized. Their use results in converting non-reciprocal signs into reciprocal ones. They are applied according to the part of speech of a modified term. The conclusion to be drawn from this analysis revolves around the discrepancy between morphological and syntactic means of reciprocal transformation. While the former ones are rather scanty, the latter are largely used in contemporary French.
Open Linguistics
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2014
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vol. 1
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issue 1
EN
This paper describes χɯ, the Sarikoli reflexive personal and possessive pronoun, in terms of its agreement, relative prominence, and domain. The reflexive χɯ does not overtly agree with its antecedent, always maintaining the same form. It is subject-oriented and is complementarily distributed with nonreflexive pronouns. In both finite and non-finite subordinate clauses, χɯ is usually used as a local reflexive, with long-distance potential in one variety-the reason adverbial clause. Sarikoli provides confirmatory evidence for the correlation between long-distance reflexives and subject orientation (Pica 1987, 1991; Cole & Sung 1994), since χɯ is subject-oriented whether it refers to an antecedent within the same clause or across a clause boundary.
EN
Old Church Slavonic data manifest significant similarities in the distribution and formal properties of anticausatives, reflexives, subject experiencer verbs, statives, and reciprocals, while their semantics may also be viewed as partly uniform. The structures representing the said classes of verbs are very frequent in the language, while passive structures, formed with analytic morpho-syntactic constructions, are relatively infrequent. Consequently, the expressions headed by anticausatives, reflexives, subject experiencer verbs, statives, and reciprocals (as well as dative impersonal structures) encroach on the area of semantics belonging in Modern Slavic to be the realm expressed in terms of passive morpho-syntax. The conclusion that can be drawn from this state of affairs is that Old Church Slavonic is characterized by the opposition of active and middle voices, while the passive voice is in its infancy.
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