Search results - CEJSH

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KSZTAŁTOWANIE SIĘ POJĘĆ „DIALEKTYZM” I „REGIONALIZM” W DEFINICJACH ENCYKLOPEDYCZNYCH I SŁOWNIKOWYCH

100%

MICHALSKA-GÓRECKA P.

Slavia Occidentalis

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2019

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issue 76/1

93-104

EN

The goal of this article is to trace the evolution of understanding two basic concepts in linguistics, namely “dialectism” and “regionalism” with Polish dictionaries and encyclopaedias as the source materials. Excerpts from both general and highly specialised texts have been made. The presented material shows that the definitions of the analysed concepts may vary significantly from one Polish dictionary or encyclopaedia to another. It seems that neither of the definitions exhausts the issue therefore a researcher in charge of territorial differences, in a diachronic and synchronic perspective alike, will have to re-define each time the characterised concepts by means of adjusting their meaning-related scope to his or her own research needs.

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Narodziny mazurskiego regionalizmu autonomizacyjnego

93%

Poniedziałek

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2014

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issue 5(31/1)

411-432

EN

The aim of this article is to describe Masurian Autonomy Movement. Members of the organisation would like to change status of a Warmia and Masuria voivodeship by separating Masuria as an autonomous region. It is said that Masuria is poor and underdeveloped because of its dependence on the government in Warsaw. They underline that being autonomous means having separate budget and tax system. What is more, Masuria should have autonomous regional parliament and their own independent policy which would not be contrary to the central Polish state policy. According to RAM, because of Masurian cultural difference region should have autonomous status which would enable to protect the regional culture. RAM represents type of regionalism called economic with political and cultural elements.

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Armed Peasants, Violent Intellectuals and Political Guards : Trajectories of Violence in a Failing Nation State, 1918-1940

93%

Egry G.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2017

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vol. 9

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issue 1

34-54

EN

Interwar Romania was infamous for its many violent political and social scenes. Some of these scenes represented exclusionary violence in its basic form, such as riots against Jews (and sometimes against other minorities) in 1922 and most prominently in 1927. But many other forms of violence were customary in Greater Romania. Clashes between villagers, destruction of memorials and statues, armed violence against the opposition electorate, beating up of politicians and occasional revolts against the authorities concerned an ever-growing state security apparatus that was rarely able to control these eruptions. Their persistence makes them suspicious of being a systemic phenomenon. In this article I argue that violence in this widespread form was a structural characteristic of Greater Romania, the result of systemic factors in the new state. A loosening of moral constraint due to the preceding first world war, subsequent revolutions (and paramilitary endeavours) and the deficiencies of the state together had a decisive impact on the formation of a political culture that fostered violence from time to time. These factors on the one hand legitimized violence as a form of political action and, on the other hand, they resulted from and impeded successful nation building, and the realization of the state's promises for the nation. Thus, interwar Romania became a failing nation state and as such it facilitated popular forms of violence that was widely felt being justified by the legitimacy enjoyed by the ideology of the nation-state.

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Regionalizm w kulturze politycznej Republiki Korei

93%

Gryc K.

Przegląd Orientalistyczny

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2019

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issue 3-4(271-272)

233-247

EN

The subject of this article is an analysis of regionalism as an important part of the South Korean political culture, influenced by the ethical and philosophical system of Confucianism for centuries, that became an important element in the perception of political reality and the basis of modern politics. Nowadays it is visible both in the attitudes of citizens as voters and in the mechanisms of politics.

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O ewaluacji czasopism naukowych uwag kilka, czyli dlaczego „Materiały i Sprawozdania Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego” będą nadal wydawane

93%

Czopek S.

Materiały i Sprawozdania Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego

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2019

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issue 40

295-304

EN

Since 2018, Polish science has been in a state of change (reform), together with the evaluation of scientific disciplines which is the most important element of it. Its result depends on the scoring achievements assigned to the publication. That is why, the list of journals and scores assigned to them are so important . The list was introduced by the decision of the Minister of Science and Higher Education. Journals that received 20, 40, 70, 140 and 200 points were presented on this list. The „Materials and Reports of the Rzeszów Archaeological Centre”, published since 1961, have not been included in this catalogue. This means that the articles published in it can be scored only 5 points in the evaluation. This paper emphasizes the enormous achievements of this journal and presents its systematic transformation towards a high scientific and editorial level. It also argues with the criteria that were adopted in the evaluation of journals. Moreover, it strongly disputes with the statement that „Materials and Reports of the Rzeszów Archaeological Centre” is a regional journal, noting that it is no more regional publication than many others, with up to 70 points assigned. The presented considerations have a more general dimension. The attention has been paid to fundamental changes in Polish archaeology that have taken place in recent years. Therefore, against this background, the elimination of titles, whose mission is primarily to publish archaeological sources, from the set of scored journals is a very large institutional threat.

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Z Kaliningradu na Кёнигсберг – zapotrzebowanie społeczne czy marzenie nielicznych? Społeczna inicjatywa zmiany nazwy miasta

93%

Zieliński M. j.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2013

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issue 43

131-141

EN

Kaliningrad Oblast of the Russian Federation has been subject to manifold social processes due to is specific history, geographic conditions and other factors. Some of the former resulted in rejecting numerous elements of the Soviet past by a part of the local population. This included the very name of Kaliningrad, as a tribute paid to Mikhail Ivanovich Kalinin who has been considered one of the state and party officials responsible for mass purges in the 1930s and 1940s. The purpose of the article is to analyse the initiative put forward by a group of social activists to change the name ‘Kaliningrad’ into ‘Кёнигсберг’ (Königsberg), that is to return to the pre-war name of the city. As authors of the petition refer to previous attempts of changing the name and use them as an important part of their reasoning, the history of the notion has also been outlined with emphasis on the December 1988 discussion noted by Alexander Nikolaevich Yakovlev, then a Communist Party official. In the article, a brief introduction of the petition is followed by main arguments used by its supporters and the discussion which the document triggered among the local administration and in the media, in particular the Internet. The discussion concentrated on two aspects of the petition. First, controversies around procedural handling of the petition by Kaliningrad Duma. Secondly, fierce debates about phrases used in the document and their political significance in the context of the contemporary identity of Kaliningrad Oblast. Results of the debate and the impact the petition had on broader public opinion, both in Kaliningrad Oblast and the whole of Russia, turned out to be meagre. Only 400 signatures were collected across the country to support the idea. No decisive measures were taken on the administrative level such as moving the initiative toward a referendum. No agreement was reached between those who wish to turn the whole notion down and those who would like to postpone the final decision to a more distant future. In conclusion, it is worth noting that despite the obvious failure of the petition the discussion showed considerable social activity in Kaliningrad Oblast, especially on the part of the younger generation. This was reflected by a number of threads and posts in electronic media, many of which served as a basis for a constructive debate with relatively few irrelevant (insulting, aggressive and vulgar) arguments. On the other hand, the article shows that there is still considerable nostalgia for the Soviet Union and its artifacts in Kaliningrad Oblast.

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Czy "wihajster" jest nazwą artefaktu? Szkic leksykologiczny

93%

Żurowski S.

Studia z Filologii Polskiej i Słowiańskiej

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2015

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vol. 50

EN

Is wihajster a name for an artifact? A lexicological studyThe basic focal points of this article are the features of the word wihajster – both those inter- (grammar and semantics) and extralinguistic (etymology, orthography, pragmatics). Moreover, the article mentions other expressions characteristic of regional varieties of Polish which share some similar semantic features. The presented semantic interpretation implies that, generally, wihajster is a semantically marked synonym for narzędzie ‘tool,’ some of the examples, however, show that there are speakers who attribute to it an even broader scope of reference. The examples that illustrate the analysis have mostly been derived from fiction. Their analysis shows that referring to wihajster as a "post-war neologism" is not justified. The word undoubtedly appeared in Polish before World War II, and most probably even back in the 19th century. It is equally unreliable from the academic point of view to call wihajster a Germanism – unless we are prepared to abandon defining the latter as a loan word from German. All in all, the word does indeed imitate in sound the German phrase wie heisst er?, yet this linguistic unit did not evolve within German and thus is not an external loan. It can only be considered an internal loan from local dialects into general Polish. Czy wihajster jest nazwą artefaktu? Szkic leksykologicznyPodstawowym przedmiotem zainteresowania w artykule są cechy wewnątrz- (gramatyka i semantyka) i zewnątrzjęzykowe (etymologia, ortografia, pragmatyka) wyrażenia wihajster. Ponadto wspomniane są inne wyrażenia odmian (głównie regionalnych) języka polskiego, które mają podobne cechy semantyczne. Zaproponowana interpretacja semantyczna zakłada, że są to nacechowane synonimy narzędzia, choć część przykładów pokazuje, że użytkownicy języka przypisują im czasem jeszcze szerszy zakres odniesienia. Wykorzystywane do ilustracji toku wywodu przykłady pochodzą przede wszystkim z literatury pięknej. Ich analiza pokazuje, że częste w literaturze przedmiotu określanie wihajstra mianem „powojennego neologizmu” jest nieuprawnione – wyrażenie to pojawiło się w języku polskim na pewno przed II wojną światową, a prawdopodobnie jeszcze w XIX wieku. Równie nierzetelne naukowo jest nazywanie wihajstra germanizmem – chyba że germanizm zostanie zdefiniowany nie jako zapożyczenie z języka niemieckiego. Wihajster w istocie jest bowiem wyrażeniem naśladującym brzmienie niemieckiej frazy wie heisst er?, ale jednostka ta nie powstała na gruncie języka niemieckiego i nie jest zapożyczeniem zewnętrznym. Można ją traktować jedynie jako zapożyczenie wewnętrzne z gwar do języka ogólnego.

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93%

Szul r.

MAZOWSZE Studia Regionalne

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2015

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issue 16

13-51

PL

Kwestia regionalna odgrywa ważną rolę w życiu politycznym Hiszpanii. Hiszpańskie doświadczenia z autonomią regionalną w ostatnich 30-35 latach miały duży wpływ na stosunek do regionalizmów w wielu krajach Europy. W tym okresie doświadczenie to oceniano pozytywnie. Ostatnio jednak pojawiły się wątpliwości dotyczące wpływu autonomii regionalnych na funkcjonowanie gospodarki i na jedność państwa. Artykuł składa się z dwu zasadniczych części – rysu historycznego oraz przeglądu wybranych regionalizmów i regionów. W części pierwszej omawiane są historyczne czynniki kształtowania regionalizmów w Hiszpanii. Wskazuje się na proces kształtowania się państwowości hiszpańskiej podczas rekonkwisty z wielu organizmów państwowych i powstanie Hiszpanii jako federacji Kastylii i Aragonii oraz późniejsze napięcia między siłami dążącymi do centralizacji władzy państwowej i kastylianizacji kultury i języka a siłami dążący do zachowania odrębności politycznej i kulturowej regionów peryfe-ryjnych jako na główne źródło współczesnych regionalizmów w Hiszpanii. W części drugiej bliżej przedstawiono te regiony Hiszpanii, gdzie ruchy regionalne są istotnym czynnikiem politycznym. Są to kolejno: Katalonia (w tym ruch pankataloński obejmujący tzw. Kraje Katalońskie), Baleary, Kraj Walencji, Kraj Basków, Nawarra, Galicja, Asturia, Andaluzja i Wyspy Kanaryjskie. W opisie każdego z regionalizmów zwraca się uwagę na czynniki tworzące dany regionalizm (obiektywne uwarunkowania regionalizmu) oraz na siłę, cele i podmioty (aktorów) regionalizmu. Najsilniejszy regionalizm występuje w Katalonii i Kraju Basków. W Katalonii wynika on z historii – pamięci o państwowości katalońskiej, jej utracie i degradacji języka katalońskiego. Na to nakładają się uwarunkowania ekonomiczne i kulturowe – wysoki poziom rozwoju i przeświadczenie o kulturowej wyższości i wyzysku regionu. Głównymi podmiotami regionalizmu są władze regionu i regionalne partie polityczne, a celami jest maksymalizacja autonomii politycznej, z niepodległością włącznie, ekonomicznej i kulturowej – uczynienie katalońskiego głównym (jedynym) językiem regionu. W Kraju Basków źródłem poczucia odrębności są czynniki historyczne – dawne przywileje regionu oraz kulturowe – w tym istnienie języka baskijskiego. Ruch baskijski jest bardzo niejednolity jeśli chodzi o cele i struktury organizacyjne - od akceptacji obecnej autonomii po pełną niepodległość i włączenie sąsiednich obszarów Hiszpanii i Francji.

EN

Regional question plays an important role in Spanish politics. Spanish experience of regional autono-my over the lat 30-35 years significantly influenced attitude towards regionalism in many European countries. In that time this experience was considered as positive. Recently, however, doubts have appeared as to the influence of regional autonomies on functioning of the economy and unity of the state. The article consists of two main parts. In the first one processes of shaping Spanish statehood during the reconquista from several state organisms, creation of Spain as a federation of Castile and Aragon and the later tensions between forces aiming at centralisation of state power and castilianisa-tion of culture and language, and forces aiming at retention of political and cultural separateness of peripheral regions are poited out as sources of present-day regionalisms in Spain. The second part presents in a more detailed way those regions of Spain where regional movements are significant political factors. These are the following ones: Catalonia (and the pan-Catalonian movement), Balearic Islands, the Country of Valencia, the Basque Country, Navarre, Galicia, Asturias, Andalusia and Ca-nary Islands. In the description of each regionalism factors shaping a given regionalism (objective conditions) as well as its strength, objectives and actors are analyzed. The strongest are regionalisms in Catalonia and the Basque Country. In Catalonia it results from history – memory on Catalan state-hood, its loss and downgrading the Catalan language. On top of this there are economic and cultural circumstances – the high degree of economic development and believe in cultural superiority and exploitation of he region by Spain. The main subjects of regionalism are regional authorities and regional political parties, and the main goals are maximising of political (including independence), economic and cultural (making Catalan the main or the only language of the region) autonomy. In the Basque Country the source of the feeling of separateness are historical – ancient privileges of the region, and cultural – including existence of the Basque language – factors. The Basque movement is very differentiated as regards aims and organisation, aims ranging from acceptance of the current autonomy until full independence and incorporation of adjacent areas of Spain and France.

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Czy można poprawnie ubrać płaszcz?

93%

Markowski A.

Poradnik Językowy

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2023

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vol. 804

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issue 5

93-100

EN

This article discusses the change in the normative qualification of the verb ubrać/ubierać (‘to dress’) in the sense ‘to wear’. This meaning, and hence collocations such as ubrać płaszcz, ubrać sukienkę, ubrać kapelusz have been consistently evaluated as linguistic errors, which is evidenced by both dictionary entries and prescriptive advice. Looking into the scope of usage of this type of expressions – their commonness in speech and writing among Poles of various social classes from southern and western Poland – enforces a consideration of whether this meaning of the verb ubrać/ubierać should not be included into the group of regionalisms accepted as a norm of regional usage. As a sidenote, the emerging question is whether there actually are any normatively unaccepted regionalisms or the unacceptance should be ascribed only to dialecticisms in general language.

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Ruch Autonomii Śląska

93%

Zweiffel Ł.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2013

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issue 11

178 -199

EN

The author of the article concentrates on Silesian regionalists, primarily on the Silesian Autonomy Movement, its social activity as well as political, cultural, and social perception of this activity. Silesian regionalism was a considerable surprise for many Poles. For some of them, the postulates proposed by the Movement seem not only unprecedented in the history of Poland but also threatening the territorial integrity of the country. Public discussions about the Movement are dominated by emotions, not factual arguments, and lack scientific view on the matter. The article aims at filling at least a part of this gap.

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Regionalista z pasją dalekich podróży, czyli Filip Sulimierski i jego „Wędrowiec”

93%

Domarańczyk D., Uniwersytet Łódzki W. F.-H., Daria Domarańczyk – absolwentka historii (2012) d. i. k. s. n. U. Ł. o. p. a. n. U. W. D. h. n. W. F.-H. U. Ł. I. s. h. s. X. w., ddomaranczyk@wp.pl

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2015

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vol. 29

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issue 3

EN

The article focuses on an outstanding Polish publisher and ethnographer – Philip Sulimierski (1843–1885). Although trained as a mathematician, he was a traveler at heart and edited the magazine “Wędrowiec”. It was the first illustrated tourism and travel magazine in Poland. This 19th century-magazine was so original for its time that the format of “National Geographic” was based on it. Sulimierski was also the creator and editor of the “Dictionary of the Polish Kingdom and other Slavic Countries”, which to this day remains an invaluable resource for geographers, ethnologists and historians.

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Proces ewolucji regionalizmu w Polsce od oporu do ofensywy

82%

Kowalczyk R.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2015

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issue 2

127-150

EN

The author discusses the process of the evolution of regionalism in Poland, rooting its beginnings in the early 19th century and concluding his analysis with the political transformation in Poland after 1989. He presents the ideological principles and different manifestations ofregionalism, as well as the typical trends influencing the transformations of regionalism at the turn of the 19th century. The core of regionalism remained unchanged in this period, and its founding principles, objectives and activities are both approved and continued in modern times.

PL

Autor omówił proces ewolucji regionalizmu w Polsce, osadzając jego pierwociny na progu XIX wieku, a kończąc analizę na transformacji systemowej Polski po 1989 roku. Przedstawiono założenia ideowe i różne formy wyrazu regionalizmu, a także charakterystyczne tendencje, które wywierały wpływ na jego przeobrażenia na przełomie XIX i XX wieku. W tym czasie istota regionalizmu pozostawała jednak niezmienna, a jego założenia, cele i działania sąrównież akceptowane i kontynuowane współcześnie.

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Regionalizm w historii wychowania w ujęciu Antoniego Karbowiaka (aktualność postulatów i dokonań badawczych)

82%

Wałęga A.

Biuletyn Historii Wychowania

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2008

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issue 24

13-21

EN

The article presents the contribution of the first in Poland assistant professor in the field of the history of education, professor of Jagiellonian University, Antoni Karbowiak (1856-1919) to the development of regional historical and educational studies. Karbowiak devoted much attention to the propagation of these studies in his publications, in which he emphasized their import ant role and significance for further development of the history of education. He stressed the need to conduct collective regional studies on a broader scale, according to a precisely defined plan. He contended that only in this way valuable material can be compiled, which - elaborated by well-prepared scholars - shall enable the creation of worthwhile syntheses. He himself undertook “local” research, as he called it, and repeatedly brought readers’ attention to the question of preserving source material found in their closest surroundings for the history of education. He encouraged the creation of regional research organizations and the stimulation of historical consciousness of Polish society, especially children and youth. In order to win new contributors for regional historical and educational studies, he worked out a special 13-point questionnaire on the basis of which it was possible to gather information about local schools and their history. In his publications, Antoni Karbowiak emphasised that even the smallest papers dealing with regional issues are supposed to contribute to the explanation of educational phenomena in broader contexts. This concept by Antoni Karbowiak perfectly combines into the convention of modem regional studies.

19

O teatro mirandês ou a afirmação da identidade de uma minoria como testemunho da vitalidade e resistência de uma cultura submetida

81%

Kalewska A.

Studia Iberystyczne

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2015

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vol. 14: Crisis, momentos decisivos

15-36

EN

The article refers the socio‑cultural context of theatrical popular representations (religious and profanes) performed in the North‑East of Portugal, with special focus on two sketches: Porcina and Marquês de Mântua, showing their immunity to the processes of socio‑political change in the time of submission of a genuine culture to the folklorization and the commercial verification of pure ritual. The recovery of the literary works which, on behalf of their artistic value, are fundamental in the history of drama of Miranda do Douro has been established as a part of much broader editorial programme which contemplates the defence of Miranda do Douro at almost every level (territorial, social, political and cultural one) and the regeneration of the Miranda do Douro collective conscience. It is also an appeal for the preservation and protection of the Miranda do Douro playwriting, about to expire nowadays, important as and identitarian factor of a people who have never been recognized as State‑nation, functioning today as a mark of a distinctive regionalism sui generis.

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Methodological Background of Post-Soviet Regionalism: The Case of Ukraine

81%

Chuzhykov V., Fedirko O., Chuzhykov A.

Baltic Journal of European Studies

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2014

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vol. 4

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issue 1

20-33

EN

The transformational 1990s significantly differentiated the regional model of Ukraine, which eventually began to resemble a system of uncontrolled chronic economic decline, as the existing planning and regulatory methods had become redundant, the market-based approaches being not actualized. The methodological vacuum in which Ukraine found itself did not allow regions to solve the existing problems by means of European economic convergence instruments. Despite the fact that more and more theories and concepts appeared in the leading developed countries (regional competitiveness, city- region, beautiful places, creative city, localization, etc.), national science used outdated ideas of planned regulation, inappropriate in market economy. The effect of government policies resembled core measures of the neoliberal model, while maintaining a high degree of administrative centralization. FDI inflow fundamentally altered the regional landscape. The leading position in accumulating the FDI stock belonged to Kyiv, which also produced the largest per capita GDP. In the last five years a revival of innovation activity took place in the Ukrainian regions. Eventually it obtained an undulating character, moving basically along two axes: Lviv-Kviv and Kyiv-Kharkiv. However, low FDI level in the worst performing regions could create an erroneous impression about the positive impact of FDI on regional economy. A region's development trajectory> might also be affected by the mentality of its inhabitants, as well as the media, whose impact can convey either a cohesive or disintegrating character. This was evidenced by the recent events in Ukraine, as well as the "East versus West” confrontation, which resulted in frustration, whereas the lack of tolerance among the population of certain regions provoked the bloodshed. Thus, identification of methodological background of post-Soviet regionalism on the example of Ukraine is an important scientific task, which may explain the essence of regional asymmetries in the post-Soviet states.

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