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EN
The article discusses the issue of using religious arguments by deputies while considering bills at the sitting of the Sejm. The author critically assesses the so-called doctrine of exclusivism, which postulates a total exclusion of religious arguments from political discourse. Next, he justifies the thesis that appealing to religious reasons by deputies in the course of parliamentary work is not contrary to the constitutional principle of worldview impartiality of public authorities. Finally, based on the empirical study, he presents quantitative and qualitative characteristics of the operationalization of religious rhetoric in the legislative process in the Sejm of the 8th term. It turns out that MPs of all political groups appeal to religious arguments and they do it rather seldom. The state of affairs in which members of liberal and leftist parties themselves – identifying themselves with postulates of the exclusivist doctrine and even regarding them as a legal requirement – use religious argumentation, testifies to their political opportunism and ideological interpretation of the constitutional principle of religious impartiality of public authorities. The author postulates the avoidance of instrumental treatment of religion in the political debate.
EN
In the last ten years, there have been several cases in Spain (Ramón Sampedro, Leganés, Jorge León that have led to an intense social debate on euthanasia. The recent case of Inmaculada Echevarría, a woman suffering from a serious disease that kept her immobilized in bed, has revived the debate on euthanasia in Spain. On 18 October 2006 she held a press conference and publicly asked to be disconnected from the ventilator that kept her alive. After a long ethical, religious, legal, and social debate, the patient was disconnected on 14 March 2007 after being adequately sedated. As a consequence, the patient died. In our paper we defend the need for a radical and intercultural democracy and present the main ethical, religious and legal arguments on euthanasia that are being posed in Spain and in Europe as a debate that should help to build a radical and intercultural democracy at a European level.
EN
The topic of abortion is widely discussed in the Polish public sphere since early 90s. Religious actors have been active participants in this debate but sociologists rarely look at the role of religion in formulating discourse on abortion. The goal of this article is to answer the question of how religion is present in the discourse on abortion in Poland and what are social consequences of that. We analyze arguments used in discourse on abortion in the documents of the Polish Episcopate Conference and selected Polish liberal and Catholic weeklies. We draw conclusions about the vision of religion presented by selected opinion-forming circles. Documents of the Episcopate and “Gość Niedzielny” present absolute opposition to abortion. Abortion is defined as “the end of life”. The main religious argument is the reference to God as the creator of man who is the only entity able to decide about the end of human life. The social consequence of the assumption that God is a source of morality is an opinion that the best mechanism for ensuring the well-being of the state is to base the law on religious foundations. The religious argument in “Tygodnik Powszechny” is more nuanced. Authors refer to the social context of abortion and the complexity of women’s decisions about abortion. Liberal weeklies strongly oppose the implementation of more restrictive abortion law. The social consequence of criticism of religion is the vision of society as independent and the postulate of a state independent of religion. Religion is believed to be non-functional as the base of morality.
PL
Temat aborcji jest szeroko dyskutowany w polskiej sferze publicznej od czasu transformacji ustrojowej. Chociaż aktorzy religijni są aktywnymi uczestnikami tej debaty, socjologowie rzadko badają rolę religii w jej kształtowaniu. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie o to, w jaki sposób religijne argumenty są używane do uzasadniania stanowisk zajmowanych w dyskursie o aborcji. Na podstawie porównawczej analizy argumentacji i sposobów komunikowania religii w dyskursie o aborcji, w dokumentach Konferencji Episkopatu Polski i wybranych liberalnych i katolickich tygodnikach opinii wyciągamy wnioski dotyczące tego, jakie wizje religii prezentują wybrane środowiska opiniotwórcze i jak widzą ich społeczne konsekwencje. W dokumentach Episkopatu i w publikacjach „Gościa Niedzielnego” sprzeciw wobec aborcji ma charakter absolutny, a podstawowym argumentem religijnym jest odwołanie do Boga jako twórcy człowieka i uzasadnienie świętości życia. Konsekwencją społeczną jest w tych dokumentach przekonanie, że najlepszym mechanizmem zapewnienia pomyślności państwa, właściwego prawa i społecznej moralności jest oparcie prawa stanowionego na religijnych podstawach. Argumentacja religijna w Tygodniku Powszechnym, przy sprzeciwie wobec aborcji, jest bardziej zniuansowana i różnorodna. Występują odwołania do kontekstu społecznego i złożoności decyzji o aborcji. W tygodnikach liberalnych dominuje zdecydowany sprzeciw wobec dążenia do zaostrzenia prawa w kwestii dopuszczalności aborcji. Konsekwencją społeczną krytyki religii jest wizja społeczeństwa jako samosterownego i postulat państwa niezależnego od religii.
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