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Identyfikacje ideologiczne społeczeństwa polskiego

100%
Godlewski T.
Political Preferences
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2012
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issue 3
47-76
EN
This paper describes perception of the left and right-wing values by Polish community. They are analyzed in three dimensions: ideological and doctrinal, constitutional and economical as well as social. The outcome of the analysis was the creation of the map of actual perception of left and right wing by people with certain ideological auto-identification. The added value is a comparative analysis of the results obtained in 2012 with the data obtained from own studies conducted in 2007 that shows the dynamics of changes in the political consciousness of Polish society.
2

Dialektyka „swój”–„obcy” w prawicowej filozofii politycznej (1789– –1945)

88%
Wielomski A.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2019
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vol. 41
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issue 2
29-54
EN
The aim of the author of this text is to polemicize with the stereotype according to which nationalism is a synonym of the “extreme right.” For this purpose the method of historical exemplification was used. Part I of this text is devoted to defining the concept of the “right” and to present the supporters of the French Revolution and other 19th-century revolutions, their idea of nationalism, the nation-state and sovereignty of the nation. This presentation shows that up to 1890 nationalism is located in the revolutionary left. The first nationalists are Jacobins. The counter-revolutionary right is opposed to nationalism. For this right, nationalism is combined with the idea of empowering nations to the rights of self-determination, which is closely connected with the idea of people’s sovereignty. This situation persists until 1870–1914, when the ideas of national sovereignty are implemented in the politics of the modern states. However, the liberal state does not meet the expectations of nationalists, because it neglects the interests of the nation as the highest value. That is the cause for them moving from the political left to the right part of the political scene, replacing the legitimist right. The latter is annihilated with the decline of aristocracy. In the 19th century, the left is nationalistic and xenophobic. We find clear racist sympathies on the left. The political right does not recognize the right of nations to self-determination, the idea of ethnic boundaries. It is cosmopolitan.
3

Dialektyka „swój”–„obcy” w prawicowej filozofi i politycznej (1789– 1945). Część II

88%
Wielomski A.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2019
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vol. 41
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issue 3
45-62
EN
The aim of the author of this text is to polemicize with the stereotype according to which nationalism is a synonym of the “extreme right.” For this purpose the method of historical exemplification was used. In Part II we discuss examples of nationalisms in various European states between the years 1890 and 1945: France, Germany, Spain, Portugal and Italy. This is the epoch when nationalism denies its initial close relationship with the political and revolutionary left. Now it is in close relations with the right. During the Boulanger and Dreyfus affaires in France, the nationalists are on the political right. Their ideology is not only right-wing but also anti-Semitic. Sometimes openly racist (Maurice Barrès). In general, however, French and Italian nationalists preach “state nationalism,” similar to the classic doctrine of raison d’état. In Spain and Portugal the right is strictly Catholic. This is the imperial right. We have here the dream of restoration of the Spanish Siglo de Oro. This project is antithetic to nationalism because it is universalist and supranational. It is different in Germany, where at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries the whole right is lit up by the vision of conquests, German empire, struggle of races. First, the Protestant, then also the German Catholic right is chauvinistic, racist and anti-Semitic. The article ends with reflections upon the relations between political right and the idea of nationalism.
4
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Antynomie sprzeciwu

63%
Flis J.
Studia Socjologiczno-Polityczne. Seria Nowa
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2015
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vol. 03(1)
93-103
PL
Interpretation of Polish political divisions is difficult, if one takes as a reference the traditional division into left wing and right wing politics. Similar difficulties are caused by a phenomenon emerging in all European democracies described as populism. The essay presents a perspective that allows to combine both problems by offering one explanation. It reveals how the main Polish division axis, perpendicular to the traditional left wing-right wing axis, is part of a phenomenon present in other countries. This interpretation also explains the nature of the Polish movements known as populist ones.
5
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Trzecia fala nacjonalizmu w XXI w. Populistyczne Partie Radykalnej Prawicy (PRRP) w państwach Unii Europejskiej w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej

51%
Rdzanek D., Wojtaszak A.
Społeczeństwo i Polityka
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2019
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issue 4(61)
11-23
PL
Prezentowany artykuł dotyczy problemu wzrostu poparcia dla formacji nacjonalistycznych w państwach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Autorzy przeanalizowali przyczyny poparcia dla formacji prawicowych, głównie nacjonalistycznych, mieszczących się w określeniu Populistyczne Partie Radykalnej Prawicy w sześciu państwach postkomunistycznych (Bułgaria, Czechy, Polska, Rumunia, Słowacja, Węgry) oraz trzech państwach posowieckich (Estonia, Litwa i Łotwa), które są członkami Unii Europejskiej. Wzrost postaw nacjonalistycznych związany jest z eurosceptycyzmem, natywizmem, wrogością wobec imigrantów, islamofobią, poparciem dla idei państwa narodowego oraz obawami przed pozostawaniem na marginesie UE.
EN
The article addresses the problem of increasing support for nationalist groups in the Central and Eastern European countries. The authors analysed the reasons for supporting the right-wing, mainly nationalist groups included in the defi nition of Populist Radical Right Parties in six post-communist countries (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Hungary) and three post-Soviet countries (Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia) that are Member States of the European Union. The rise of nationalist attitudes is associated with Euroscepticism, nativism, hostility towards immigrants, Islamophobia, support for the idea of a nation-state and fears of being on the periphery of the EU.
6
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Juliusz i Ethel – historia małżeństwa Rosenbergów w dramacie Leona Kruczkowskiego z 1954 roku. Elementy dyskursu antywojennego w literaturze polskiej we wczesnych latach 50.

51%
Wieczorek M.
Przegląd Humanistyczny
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2017
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vol. 61(1 (456))
53-68
PL
The text discusses the play about the last hours of life of the Rosenbergs titled Julius and Ethel, the history of the trial, passing the sentence and the execution of Julius and Ethel Rosenbergs carried out on June 19, 1953. Besides Senator Joseph Raymond McCarthy’s “witch-hunt”, this is the second most famous example of the American anti-communist atmosphere of the early 1950s, which led to the crisis of the democratic order and its institutions in the United States. The case took place at the beginning of the Cold War division of the world and the nuclear arms race, which put the world on the brink of selfdestruction. For the US radicals and the left-wing intellectuals, the Rosenbergs belonging to the US Communist Party are victims of the right-wing witch-hunt, creating anti-communist atmosphere, however they are also perceived as patrons of antiwar movements, precursors of the nuclear weapons opponents movement (the espionage, which they had never confessed to was to concern passing secrets about the US nuclear weapons programs to the Russians). For conservative America this will be a story about the efficiency of the legal, political and moral system facing a real threat in the fight against communism – dangerous for the entire civilized democratic world. How does the socialist realism work by Leon Kruczkowski appear against this background?
7
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Prawicowość nazizmu? Uwagi na marginesie niemieckiej edycji Mein Kampf Adolfa Hitlera oraz innych publikacji dotyczących narodowego socjalizmu. Problem badawczy

45%
Kosiński K.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2022
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vol. 39
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issue 1
539-561
PL
Współczesna literatura przedmiotu przeważnie ujmuje niemiecki narodowy socjalizm jako zjawisko „prawicowe” bądź „radykalnie prawicowe”. Tendencja ta szczególnie wyraźna jest w historiografii niemieckiej oraz anglosaskiej. Przykłady z teorii i praktyki narodowego socjalizmu wskazują jednak, że ideologia ta pod wieloma względami stanowiła przeciwieństwo tradycyjnej prawicy. Enuncjacje programowe Hitlera dowodzą, że sam pozycjonował się poza tradycyjną prawicą i lewicą. Odmienne rozumienie prawicowości i lewicowości w różnych krajach Europy czy Stanach Zjednoczonych skutkuje nieporozumieniami w dyskursie naukowym i publicystycznym. Szczególnie jest to widoczne w przypadku Niemiec i Polski. Ubocznym skutkiem tego zjawiska jest stawianie znaku równości przez część historyków i publicystów między niemieckim nazizmem a polską narodową demokracją, jako rzekomo dwoma wariantami nacjonalizmu, mimo biegunowo przeciwstawnej aksjologii. Dalekosiężnym celem narodowego socjalizmu było przezwyciężenie i obalenie cywilizacji chrześcijańskiej, co w pewnej mierze łączyło tę ideologię z rewolucją francuską oraz rewolucją bolszewicką.
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