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EN
The medieval right to resist was part of the political sphere (individual and then collective actions), being at the same time a theoretical construct and later on also a legal institution. As it belonged to these three spheres, it was approached in a variety of ways. The question was defined fairly precisely only in normative acts of the early 13th century (institutionalisation of the right to resist). Drawing on Article 61 of Magna Charta (1215), it could be said that the right to resist was a right granted by the ruler (by way of a normative act in the form of a contract) authorising the subjects to collectively react in a variety of ways to the monarch’s actions violating their rights and privileges as well as principles of conduct and customs. Earlier on in the Middle Ages the aim of ius resistendi was to restore disrupted order. This was associated with the problem of bad ruler (tyrant) and a vision of the ruler’s role in society. In the Late Middle Ages the right to resist began to be used as a method of shaping the relations between society’s elite and the ruler. As a means to restore the social order, the right to resist assumed various forms. The so-called passive right to resist consisted in “disobedience” (refusal to fulfil an obligation), while the so-called active right to resist was manifested in both “harassment” of the ruler (attacks on the monarch’s officials and estates) and armed fight against the ruler until his deposition. Given the aim of ius resistendi (reparation by the ruler of what he had done wrong), “tyrannicide” as its radical form was unique. The evolution of the right to resist was influenced by the early Christian thought and German tradition as well as feudalism with its principle whereby the superior’s felony justified refusal to obey. Until the 11th century the question of ius resistendi was rarely raised among the Visigoths or the Franks. A breakthrough came with the investiture contest and the recognition of the possibility of depriving a monarch of his power, if he violated the existing order. This view was used in later disputes between the subjects and their rulers as well as in contract-based agreements concluded by the conflicted parties. The 13th century saw both a culmination of theoretical reflections (St. Thomas’ views) and first signs of a weakening of the political significance of ius resistendi (omission of regulations concerning it from monarchs’ confirmations, recognition of the risk of resorting to ius resistendi owing to an uncertain outcome, the question of caution in theoretical considerations). Towards the end of the Middle Ages ius resistendi began to be replaced by actions of state-wide assemblies of estates restraining the ruler.
EN
This paper analyses the difference in the perception, definition and usage of the concept of royal ideology in the tenth-eleventh-century Poland and Bohemia (or among Western Slavs in general) versus Scandinavia. It demonstrates that while Polish (and Czech) rulers agreed to follow Carolingian (‘Frankish’) model of royal power, the old pagan model of rulership preserved in Scandinavia seemed to secure more power for the king, including the truly royal title. The paper proposes that the West Slavic elites decide to enter the imperial system of Western Europe in an attempt to act as external members of the Christian and Imperial world, but instead they had to accept a new religion, rules, hierarchy and their own subordinate position. Hence, contrary to the general understanding, the coronations of the first three Polish kings were not symbols of sovereignty, but rather of dependence on the Holy Roman Empire.
EN
The period in Danish history which began with the accession of power by Valdemar I in 1157 and ended with the death of his youngest son, Valdemar II (1241), known by posterity as the Victorious or the Lawgiver, is considered in Danish historiography as a time of significant social, political and legal changes. It is sometimes even named as the golden period of the Kingdom’s history in the Middle Ages, the so-called “Valdemar Era”. After years of internal struggles for power, real feudal fragmentation, and recognition of the emperor’s fief sovereignty, the nearly 100-year reign of Valdemar I and his two sons brought a re-consolidation of the state that included an expansion of royal authority, including the legislative powers of the rulers. This process was accompanied by cooperation between the state and the Church, whose support and approval led not only to a series of territorial conquests, the ordering of the treasury and the administrative apparatus, but also to the writing of the laws in force. It should be noted that beginning with the issuance of King Canute’s Law of Murder in 1200, the monarch begins to act as an independent legislator, which, given the customary legislative powers vested in the district councils (ting), is a significant innovation. As a culmination of the increased legislative activity of the rulers of the „Valdemar Era”, in 1241, the first Danish law on the Jutland district, Jyske Lov, was „given” with royal sanction. This law is preceded by a prologue, which can be regarded as a sui generis fundamental statute indicating, among other things, the scope of the monarch’s rights and duties, including the king’s legislative powers. The analysis of selected royal decrees from the first half of the 13th century, including especially the prologue to Jyske Lov, will allow, taking into account the political background, to present the scope of royal authority of the rulers of the ≪Valdemar Era≫”, with particular emphasis on the monarch’s legislative powers.
PL
Okres w dziejach Danii zapoczątkowany objęciem władzy przez Waldemara I w 1157 r., a zakończony śmiercią jego najmłodszego syna Waldemara II (1241) zwanego przez potomnych Zwycięzcą lub Prawodawcą uznawany jest w historiografii duńskiej za czas znaczących zmian społecznych, politycznych oraz prawnych. Niekiedy jest on wręcz określany mianem złotego okresu dziejów Królestwa w średniowieczu tzw. epoki Waldemarów. Po latach wewnętrznych walk o władzę, faktycznego rozbicia dzielnicowego i uznania zwierzchności lennej cesarza, blisko 100-letnie panowanie Waldemara I i jego dwóch synów przyniosło ponowną konsolidację państwa, z którą wiązało się poszerzenie władzy królewskiej, w tym prawodawczych uprawnień władców. Procesowi temu towarzyszyła współpraca na linii państwo – Kościół, którego wsparcie i aprobata doprowadziły nie tylko do szeregu podbojów terytorialnych, uporządkowania skarbowości i aparatu administracyjnego, ale także do spisania obowiązujących praw. Należy podkreślić, że począwszy od wydania w 1200 r. Prawa króla Kanuta o zabójstwach, monarcha zaczyna występować jako samodzielny prawodawca, co mając na uwadze zwyczajowe uprawnienia prawodawcze, przysługujące wiecom dzielnicowym (ting), stanowi istotne novum. Za zwieńczenie wzmożonej działalności legislacyjnej władców „epoki Waldemarów” uznać należy „danie” w 1241 pierwszego w dziejach Danii spisu praw dzielnicy Jutlandii – Jyske Lov, które opatrzone zostało sankcją królewską. Prawo to poprzedzone jest przedmową, którą uznać można za sui generis ustawę zasadniczą wskazującą m.in. zakres praw i obowiązków monarchy, w tym uprawnień prawodawczych króla. Analiza wybranych rozporządzeń królewskich z I poł. XIII w., w tym przede wszystkim przedmowy do Jyske Lov pozwoli, przy uwzględnieniu tła politycznego, przybliżyć zakres władzy królewskiej władców „epoki Waldemarów”, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem uprawnień prawodawczych monarchy.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyse the issues related to a political upheaval as a form of the succession of royal power in the monarchy of united Israel in the period that started during the reign of the first king of the Hebrews – Saul – till the last years David spent on the throne. During the period analysed in this article, there were several unsuccessful attempts to seize power through a political coup. Due to the fact that the inheritance based on the principle of primogeniture was never unambiguously introduced in the Kingdom of Israel, the most serious upheaval, described as a palace revolution, took place at the end of King David’s life. As a result, the younger son of David – Solomon – ascended to Israel’s throne, despite the fact that there were no legitimate grounds for him to take power.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza zagadnień związanych z przewrotem politycznym jako formą sukcesji władzy królewskiej w monarchii zjednoczonej Izraela w okresie panowania pierwszego króla Hebrajczyków – Saula, po czasy ostatnich lat pobytu na tronie Dawida. W okresie, który został poddany analizie, miało miejsce kilka nieudanych prób przejęcia władzy królewskiej w drodze przewrotu politycznego. W związku z faktem, iż w królestwie izraelskim nie wprowadzono w sposób jednoznaczny dziedziczenia tronu na zasadzie primogenitury, doszło pod koniec życia króla Dawida do najpoważniejszego przewrotu, określanego jako przewrót pałacowy. W następstwie tego wydarzenia na tron Izraela wstąpił młodszy syn Dawida – Salomon, mimo że nie było uzasadnionych podstaw do przejęcia przez niego władzy.
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