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EN
The paper discusses the origin of one of the modern balkanisms, attested in most Balkan languages, cf. Mod. Gk. κουμάσι n. ‘kennel (for a dog); hencoop’, dial. (Cretan) κούμος m. (o-stem) ‘id.’; Alb. kumác m. ‘enclosure for small domestic animals: coop, cote; dog kennel; pig pen, sty’ and qyméz m. ‘chicken coop, dovecote’; Arom. cumás ‘hencoop’; Turk. kümes ‘poultryhouse; coop, hut’, also küm ‘id.’. The Turkish origin of the above-mentioned bunch, suggested by Gustav Meyer (1891/1982: 229) and Wanda Budziszewska (1983: 84), should be excluded for chronological problems. The Greek appellative appears as early as in the lexicon of Hesychius of Alexandria, created by the end of 5th century AD, cf. κουμάσιον· τὸ τῶν ὀρνίθων οἴκημα. It is finally suggested that Mod. Gk. κούμος, Turk. küm and Bulg. dial. кумà represent an ancient borrowing from Anatolian *ḫaumaš c. (o-stem), cf. Hitt. ḫūmmaš c. ‘stable, stall, sty’, whereas Ancient Greek κουμάσιον, Mod. Gk. κουμάσι and its Balkan equivalents (cf. Turk. kümes, Alb. kumác, Arom. cumás) derive from the diminutive form *ḫaumati- in Anatolian, cf. Luw. ḫūmmati- ‘stable’.
EN
The paper discusses the origin of one of the modern balkanisms, attested in most Balkan languages, cf. Mod. Gk. κουμάσι n. ‘kennel (for a dog); hencoop’, dial. (Cretan) κούμος m. (o-stem) ‘id.’; Alb. kumác m. ‘enclosure for small domestic animals: coop, cote; dog kennel; pig pen, sty’ and qyméz m. ‘chicken coop, dovecote’; Arom. cumás ‘hencoop’; Turk. kümes ‘poultryhouse; coop, hut’, also küm ‘id.’. The Turkish origin of the above-mentioned bunch, suggested by Gustav Meyer (1891/1982: 229) and Wanda Budziszewska (1983: 84), should be excluded for chronological problems. The Greek appellative appears as early as in the lexicon of Hesychius of Alexandria, created by the end of 5th century AD, cf. κουμάσιον· τὸ τῶν ὀρνίθων οἴκημα. It is finally suggested that Mod. Gk. κούμος, Turk. küm and Bulg. dial. кумà represent an ancient borrowing from Anatolian *ḫaumaš c. (o-stem), cf. Hitt. ḫūmmaš c. ‘stable, stall, sty’, whereas Ancient Greek κουμάσιον, Mod. Gk. κουμάσι and its Balkan equivalents (cf. Turk. kümes, Alb. kumác, Arom. cumás) derive from the diminutive form *ḫaumati- in Anatolian, cf. Luw. ḫūmmati- ‘stable’.
PL
Autor dowodzi, że silne argumenty fonologiczne i semantyczne nie pozwalają zestawić ormiańskiego wyrazu gom ‘obora, stajnia, chlew’ ze staronordyckim leksemem gammi ‘lapońska chata, ziemianka’. Pierwszy z powyższych terminów reprezentuje bowiem prastare zapożyczenie ze źródła anatolijskiego, por. het. ḫūmmaš c. ‘obora, stajnia, chlew’, luw. ḫūmmaš c. ‘chlew’ (< anat. *ḫaumaš < pie. *h2óu̯mos), drugi natomiast jest oczywistą kopią lapońskiego apelatywu gammi ‘ziemianka zbudowana z torfu’, który sprowadza się ostatecznie do fińskopermskiej praformy *kȣmɜ ‘spichlerz, spiżarnia’. W językach kaukaskich spotykamy dwie wiązki leksykalne wykazujące odmienne, możliwe do oddzielenia znaczenia ‘obora, stajnia, owczarnia, chlew’ vs. ‘spichlerz, spiżarnia’. Pierwsza wiązka, zapożyczona z leksyki anatolijskiej (za pośrednictwem ormiańskim), została udokumentowana przez gruz. gomi ‘chlew’ i orm. gom ‘obora, stajnia, chlew’. Niektórzy lingwiści błędnie kojarzyli z nią inną grupę wyrazów, poświadczoną m.in. w języku swańskim, kabardyńskim, adygejskim, inguskim i czeczeńskim (por. sw. gwem ‘spiżarnia’; kabard. gwän ‘skrzynia na ziarno, skład zboża’, adyg. kon ‘rozszerzający się ku górze pleciony spichlerz, oblepiony z zewnątrz gliną i pokryty słomą’; ing. ḳe, obl. ḳeno ‘spichlerz’; czecz. č̣ȫ, obl. č̣ȫna- ‘skład ziarna, spichlerz’). Moim zdaniem, powyższe wyrazy kaukaskie są ugrofińskimi zapożyczeniami, dokonanymi za pośrednictwem osetyńskiego gom, gon, gondan ‘skrzynia na zboże, spichlerz, spichrz’, por. ostiackie kȯ̆m ‘spichlerz, spiżarnia’ < fińskoperm. *kȣmɜ ‘ts.’).
EN
The author pursues an argument that the Armenian word gom (‘stable, stall, pigsty’) cannot be related to Old Norse gammi (‘Saami hut, dug-out’) for both phonological and semantic reasons. Rather, the former noun represents an ancient borrowing from an Anatolian source (cf. Hittite ḫūmmaš c. ‘stable, stall, sty’, Luwian ḫūmmaš c. ‘pigsty’ < PIE. *h2óu̯mos), whereas the latter one seems to be a Finno-Ugric loanword (via the Northern Saami appellative gammi, which derives from the Finno-Permic archetype *kȣmɜ ‘granary, pantry’). Furthermore, the modern Caucasian languages attest lexical data with two different (and easily separable) meanings: ‘stable, stall, sty’ vs. ‘granary, pantry’. The former group, documented e.g. by Georgian gomi ‘pigsty’, is evidently of Anatolian origin (via Armenian gom). On the other hand, the Caucasian terms for ‘granary, pantry’ (e.g. Svan gwem ‘cupboard, pantry, larder’, Kabardian gwän ‘chest for corn, grain-store’, Ad. kon ‘upward widening woven granary, covered on the outside with clay and covered with straw’, Ingush ḳe, obl. ḳeno ‘granary’, Chechen čọ̈̄ , obl. čọ̈̄ na- ‘store for grain, granary’ etc.), wrongly linked to the aforementioned words for ‘stable, stall, pigsty’ by some linguists, should be treated as borrowings of Finno-Ugric origin (via Ossetic gom, gon, gondan ‘box for grain, granary’ ← Ostyak kȯ̆m ‘granary, pantry’ vel sim. < Finno-Permic *kȣmɜ ‘id.’).
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