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EN
The purpose of this article is to analyse the internal security system of Poland. The author pays attention to the aspects of crisis management and indicates the factors that currently affect the concept of Poland’s internal security. In addition, the author analyses legal documents in the area of national security, as well as scientific works in that field. He also characterizes the key state authorities responsible for non-military security.
RU
В данной статье рассматривается влияние иммиграции на многогранную внутреннюю безопасность Польши. Соображения основаны на предположении, что иммиграция является неизбежным явлением, и будущее принесет ее увеличение, в том числе и по отношению к нашей стране. Результатом этого станет рост разного рода конфликтов – от экономических, через культурно-религиозные до политических. Некоторые из этих конфликтов преувеличены, другие могут быть разрешены соответствующими политическими решениями. Важно отметить, что рост иммигрантов в Польше не приводит к состоянию общественной безопасности. Иностранцы не представляют существенной угрозы для этой безопасности, но эта ситуация может измениться. К такому развитию событий необходимо подготовить службы, отвечающие за безопасность, обеспечить их интероперабельность и эффективность работы.
EN
This article deals with the impact of immigration on the multifaceted internal security of Poland. The considerations are based on the assumption that immigration is an inevitable phenomenon, and the future will bring its increase, also in relation to our country. This will result in the growth of various types of conflicts – from economic, through cultural and religious to political. Some of these conflicts are exaggerated, others can be resolved by appropriate political decisions. Importantly, the increase in immigrants in Poland does not translate into the state of public security. Foreigners do not pose a significant threat to this security, but this situation may change. It is necessary to prepare services responsible for security for such an eventuality, to ensure their interoperability and effectiveness of operation.
PL
Celem artykułu jest próba zrozumienia, na podstawie trzech studiów przypadków, podłoża konfliktów wokół rejonizacji kształcenia na obszarach wiejskich w Polsce oraz znaczenia wprowadzanych zmian dla władz lokalnych, rodziców dzieci oraz społeczności wiejskich. Badania wykazały, że niezależnie od tego, czy konflikty związane były z zamknięciem lokalnej szkoły, czy też nie, wynikały one z różnic w rozumieniu istoty rejonizacji kształcenia między rodzicami i władzami lokalnymi. Ponadto w każdym z przypadków prowadziły do wzrostu aktywności rodziców w zakresie wyboru szkoły oraz wiązały się z poczuciem marginalizacji wsi.
EN
Referring to three case studies, the author makes an attempt to understand the basis of conflicts concerning changes in school catchment areas in rural districts of Poland, and the importance of the implemented changes for local authorities, parents, and rural communities. The research shows that such conflicts arise from misunderstandings between parents and local authorities concerning the essence of new assignments to catchment areas, irrespective of the fact whether schools were closed or not. Additionally, changing school catchment zones resulted in each of the cases in the parents’ increased activity when choosing a school, and made them feel that rural areas were marginalized.
PL
The role of the Georgian Apostolic Autocephalous Orthodox Church in conflicts in the South CaucasusThe dissertation focuses on mutual ties and relations between the Church and the authorities and politics in Georgia. The national identity of Georgians is strongly connected with Christianity and separate ecclesiastical structures. A long tradition of autocephaly and differences resulting from autonomous development created a specific feeling of attachment to the Church, which Georgians expressed in the opposition to subordinate their Church to Russian Orthodox Church, the Russian Empire, and the Soviet power. The position of Georgian Autocephalous Orthodox Church in the country’s life after the fall of the communism was shaped by the political situation of that period. The role of the national church was strongly emphasised and freedom regaining Georgians combined national slogans with their religious orientation. For a long time, the Georgian Church was the only one allowed to function in Georgia. The authorities, in need of the Church’s support, decided to give it an exceptional role in the state (Art. 9 of 1995 Constitution and the “Constitution Agreement” executed and ratified in October 2002 by the parliament and the Holy Synod). These and other provisions included in the legal acts resulted in a tremendous preference of the Georgian Church which leads to the spreading of religious extremism in the country, initially tolerated by the authorities. However, with the demands to introduce political reforms aimed at bringing Georgia closer to the model of Western countries and the country’s aspiration to join the European Union, the authorities were compelled to take steps and decisions which were contrary to the standpoint and activity of the Georgian Church. This, however, for long time enjoying incredible social trust, managed to maintain its position, among the others due to the ability to skilfully balance between the expectations and needs of the authorities and the accomplishment of its own goals. The Georgian Church is considered one of the most important actors in the Georgian public life and its influence on politics is considerable. It plays a significant role both in exacerbating ethnic, religious, and social conflicts in Georgia which translates into the relations of the country with its neighbours and the mitigation of emerging problems (after the Georgian-Ossetian-Russian war, the Georgian Church is the sole representative of the State in relations with the Russian Federation. Роль Грузинской Апостольской Автокефальной Православной Церкви в конфликтах на Южном КавказеЗадачей статьи является приблизить вопросы, связанные с присутствием християнства на территории Грузии и показать насколько большую роль играет Грузинская Апостольская Автокефальная Православная Церковь в истории грузинского народа. Национальная идентичность грузин сильно связана с християнством и отдельными церковными структурами, что существенно влияет на отношения с негрузинскими общинами (на Южном Кавказе – Грузия – страна с самым большим процентом этнических меньшинств), много поколений живущими в Грузии и владеющими местным языком, но к которым относятся как к «чужим» из-за «негрузинской» конфессии Новые власти (после обретения Грузией независимости в 1991 г.) обеспечили исключительную роль в государстве Грузинской Апостольской Автокефальной Православной Церкви посредством соответствующего законодательства. Это способствовало обострению отношений с национальными и конфессиональными меньшинствами, а также, в большой степени, усилению социальной напряженности и отразилось также на отношениях Грузии с ближайшими соседями. Именно эти аспекты автор подробно рассматривает в представленном тексте и показывает, как в результате специфических отношений, которые образовались в Грузии между церковью и государством, религия была подвержена инструментализации и использована для достижения текущих политических целей. В заключение статьи утверждается, что религия в Грузии вдохновляет националистические субъекты и поддерживает национализм.
EN
Social policy plays an important role in crime prevention. Social policy includes such detailed policies as: housing policy, social security policy, employment policy, family policy, cultural policy, environmental protection policy, the policy for the prevention and fight against social pathologies. These policies enable an individual to satisfy its material or non-material needs, for example: housing; in the field of health protection, education, culture, leisure; social activity, job satisfaction, social recognition, feeling of safety. In their entirety, they constitute a whole mosaic of everyday problems of an individual, and fairly often a lack of the possibility to solve them, in accordance with the existing law, is the underlying cause of criminal behaviour. Social policy, which aims to meet the needs of the society, as well as for the development and progress of the society, plays an important role in the process of neutralizing social conflicts which can result, among others, in crime. For these reasons, in the fight against crime, we cannot restrict to a narrowly-defined crime prevention, i.e. criminal-legal prevention, which is realised in the process of imposing punishment and serving it but we should base on the broad understanding of the concept, i.e. consider sociopolitical aspects of preventive activities undertaken in this area. The legal norms largely define directions, goals and ways of realisation of social policy in Poland. In this area, also when it comes to crime prevention, provisions of Constitution of the Republic of Poland play fundamental role because: 1) firstly, they include a series of normative statements defining the general framework of activity of public authorities in the area of social policy; 2) secondly, they constitute the legal basis for activities undertaken by public authorities in the course of realising social policy, and which may act solely on the basis and within the law; the Constitution of the Republic of Poland either itself contains provisions that constitute the legal basis of activities for those bodies in the field of social policy or defines the form of normative acts in which the standards can be established; 3)thirdly, the superior nature of the Polish Constitution in the system of sources of law in Poland and the universally binding character of its provisions results not only in the ban on breaking the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, but also in the obligation for all subjects in the country to realize them.
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EN
The article is an analysis of morality and justice in light of the views of such thinkers as M. Blondel, J. Ortega y Gasset, E. Chiavacci and S. Privitera. In contemporary public life, new social conflicts are generated by a growing neutralization with respect to the formation of conscience and progressive relativization of all values. It is very difficult to clearly identify what justice is today and the morality that should apply to relationships. A. Honneth and M. Hrubec emphasize the need for the so-called good life, which should be based on an attitude of appreciation and respect, and accepting the other person as equal to other people. Only in this way is it possible to remove the dominance of stronger individuals and sensitize communities to the need to build global responsibility.
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EN
The Arab Spring in Libya took the form of a civil war, which led to the external military intervention and overthrowing the Muammar Qaddafi regime. Nearly seven years since the war broke out, the country has still remained in chaos. A lack of consensus regarding the form of political system and leadership in the country maintains the status quo and makes the current deadlock increasingly difficult to be broken. The article seeks to analyse the political landscape in Libya as well as the factors affecting the political impasse in the country, which, in the opinion of the author, comprised primarily of the coexistence of several power centres, ethnic conflicts, the activity of armed groups (militias) created both by military members and Islamists, and the weakness as well as the lack of unity in making a compromise on Libya among external actors, including the UN.
PL
Arabska Wiosna przybrała w Libii formę wojny domowej, w następstwie której doszło do zewnętrznej interwencji zbrojnej i obalenia reżimu Muammara Kaddafiego. Bez mała siedem lat od wybuchu wojny państwo nadal pogrążone jest w chaosie. Brak zgody co do kształtu ustrojowego i przywództwa państwa konserwuje status quo i sprawia, że wyjście z impasu jest coraz trudniejsze. W artykule podjęto próbę analizy sytuacji politycznej Libii oraz czynników determinujących impas polityczny, którymi są – zdaniem autorki – przede wszystkim: współistnienie kilku ośrodków władzy, konflikty etniczne, aktywność ugrupowań zbrojnych (milicji), tworzonych zarówno przez wojskowych, jak i islamistów, a także słabość i brak jedności aktorów zewnętrznych, w tym ONZ, w wypracowywaniu kompromisu dotyczącego Libii
EN
The aim of the paper is to discuss main theories explaining the psychological basis of social and political conflicts, especially causes of intergroup bias and prejudice. Theories of authoritarianism and social dom­inance orientation are discussed referring dispositional causes of intergroup bias and prejudice, while real­istic conflict group theory, social identity theory and system-justification theory are called for explaining situational determinants of intergroup bias and prejudice. Evolutionary aspects of hostility and aggression in social and political conflicts are also debated.
PL
Artykuł ma na celu przedstawienie idei miast sprawiedliwości naprawczej i prób stosowania praktyk naprawczych przez instytucje samorządowe oraz organizacje pozarządowe we Wrocławiu oraz sposobów angażowania społeczności lokalnych w rozwiązywanie problemów społecznych i konfliktów dotykających mieszkańców miasta. Odnosi się do koncepcji sprawiedliwości naprawczej, która staje się skutecznym narzędziem naprawy relacji społecznych poprzez odbudowanie więzi międzyludzkich, pełni także funkcję edukacyjną, przyczyniając się do rewitalizacji wspólnot i budowy społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Wskazuje na znaczenie wspólnot lokalnych i środowiskowych, które jako ofiary przestępstw czy konfliktów, ale również jako podmioty współodpowiedzialne za ich przyczyny i skutki, mogą włączać się na różne sposoby w proces naprawczy.
EN
The article aims to present the idea of restorative justice cities and attempts to apply restorative practices by local government institutions and nongovernmental organizations in Wrocław, as well as ways of involving local communities in solving social problems and conflicts affecting city residents. It refers to the concept of restorative justice, which becomes an effective tool for repairing social relations by rebuilding interpersonal bonds, it also plays an educational role, contributing to the revitalization of communities and building a civil society. The article points to the importance of local and environmental communities which, as victims of crimes or conflicts, but also as entities co-responsible for their causes and effects, may be involved in the remedial process in various ways.
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PL
Społeczeństwo nowoczesne, jak pokazują wyniki analiz autopoietycznych i innych badań, składa się z systemów, które charakteryzuje zamknięcie organizacyjne (organizational closure) oraz samoodniesienie (self-reference), co częściowo wyjaśnia powszechnie obserwowane niepowodzenia polityk regulacyjnych (regulatory failure). W artykule omówiono cztery mechanizmy rządzenia lub sterowania systemami społecznymi, kompatybilne z ich własną autopoiezą: dotacje (subsidies), partnerstwo z organizacjami pośredniczącymi (intermediary bodies), prawo refleksyjne (reflexive law) oraz technikę interwencji publicznej, która istnieje od czasów starożytności i szeroko się ją stosuje, choć nie jest otwarcie uznawana; w artykule została określona mianem kolibracji (collibration). Niektórzy aktorzy społeczni istnieją głównie po to, by kontrolować i równoważyć działania innych aktorów (np. organizacje pracodawców i związki zawodowe, kupujący i sprzedający na rynku), dlatego ich samoodnoszenie istnieje jedynie jako część systemu. Taki system par ma więc charakter samopilnowania (self-policing). Można nim jednak, w pewnych granicach, sterować przez naruszanie równowagi, w jakiej znajdują się jego elementy składowe – na przykład przez podatki skutkujące wzrostem cen (price-loading taxes), okresy przerwy w negocjacjach płacowych oraz praktykę handicapu w sporcie.
EN
A modern society, according to autopoietic and other analyses, comprises social systems that show organizational closure and self-referentiality, partly explaining widely perceived regulatory failure. This article compares four possible mechanisms for governance or steering of such systems, compatible with their autopoiesis: the use of subsidy, partnership with intermediary bodies, reflexive law, and a technique of government intervention that is ancient and common but not recognized, here named collibration. Some social actors exist mainly to check and balance other actors (e.g., employers' organizations and trade unions, or buyers and sellers in a market) and are self-referential only as a pair system. This pair system is then self-policing but can be steered, within limits, by tipping the balance that is being maintained - as exemplified by price-loading taxes, cooling-off periods, and sport handicapping.
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