Search results

1

Alienacja, integracja, akceptacja – relacje interpersonalne w dramatach Herberta Bergera i Petera Turriniego

100%

Tomczuk D.

Acta Neophilologica

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2022

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vol. 2

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issue XXIV

181-194

PL

The aim of the text is a hermeneutic analysis of two Austrian dramas: the one-act play by Herbert Berger from the year 1970 and Peter Turrini's play from the year 2018. Both works are examples of a contemporary variation of the genre "Volksstück" with a hybrid tradition in German-language literature and theater dating back to the 18th century. The comparative analysis of both works focuses on the mechanisms of actions and the role of the characters' moral instinct, while the diagnoses of important social and political problems made by playwright writers may be the key to a better understanding by the reader.

2

Das Phantom in der deutschsprachigen Weltliteratur – der Schriftsteller B. Traven

100%

Sander G. G.

Linguistische Treffen in Wrocław

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2022

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issue 22

239-255

EN

This contribution pays tribute to the German-Mexican author B. Traven, as one of the most read novelists in the German language in the middle of the 20th century. B. Traven became known for his novels and stories, which are adventurous and set in exotic surroundings, though primarily intended to express criticism of capitalism and social conditions. Most of his works were filmed in Mexico, the USA and Germany. The American fictional film based on one of his most famous books “The Treasure of the Sierra Madre” won several Academy Awards (Oscars). At the peak of his creative power, a Swedish daily newspaper proposed B. Traven for the Nobel Prize for Literature. B. Traven successfully concealed the identity of his person through the use of numerous pseudonyms. For decades, German linguists and journalists have been looking for the person behind the pseudonym B. Traven. Pursuant to available data it is certain that he worked under the name Ret Marut in Germany as a labor union secretary and left-wing, revolutionary activist before emigrating to Mexico. Because of this, people from the working class, sailors, Native Americans (Indians) and other oppressed members of the society who oppose their exploitation played key roles in his works. In the meantime, several researchers assume that B. Traven was born as Hermann Albert Otto Maximilian Feige in Schwiebus, now Poland. For B. Traven, however, the impact of his works was always more important than his identity.

3

On the Modern and Postmodern Paradigms of Ideology and Social Criticism

88%

Karalus A.

Dialogue and Universalism

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2016

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issue 2

81-98

EN

The article takes on the problem of ideology, critical consciousness and social criti-cism and distinguishes two distinct ways of thematizing it. The first approach is develo-ped within the post-Hegelian framework. According to this paradigm, critique of ideo-logy is a means of transgressing the antagonistic forms of socialization and emancipa-ting humanity from the false forms of consciousness and corresponding irrational and oppressive social institutions. The postmodern paradigm questions two basic assump-tions of the modern approach: firstly, it denies that there exists a possibility to find pure-ly rational and universal contexts, where ideological shackles could be exposed and thrown away; secondly, it rejects the idea that we can rely on the concept of self-awareness or critical reflection as informing our action and elevating our understanding of the social being to the higher level (self-enlightenment model), for critical consciou-sness has no direct consequences. While portraying the postmodern paradigm, Stanley Fish’s views, considered exemplary to the postmodern rendition of the problem of ideo-logy, will be discussed in a more detailed manner. In the final section of the article a provisional attempt is being made to elucidate what is the task of social criticism with-in the postmodern paradigm.

4

Fourier, Reich, Foucault – seksualność w okowach władzy?

88%

Matuszewski K.

Nowa Krytyka

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2016

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issue 36

29-55

EN

What is the relationship between sexuality and power? The three philosophers analyzed in the paper are among the most important contributors in this area. Fourier conceives sexuality as an aspect of sovereign drives of desire, which are oppressed by Civilization. The antidote takes the form of a full deliverance of passions, realized as Harmony projected by Fourier. Reich perceives sexuality as oppressed by the united forces of patriarchy, authoritarian religion and capitalist production. In his principal polemics with the more conservative Freud he postulates the sexual emancipation, that in Reich is more significant than in Feuerbach and Marx. Foucault contests the repression hypothesis popular in Western discourse and replaces the classical definition of power as a negative dispositive with his idea of the positive power, verbalizing the sexuality. His conception appears to be conciliatory but remains in the horizon of the critique of power. Although socialized, it does not separate itself from the repression, but pacifies and perverize it, making it more transparent, useful and efficient.

5

Critique, Emancipation, Ideology: Marxian Logic of Social Criticism

88%

Rasiński L.

Diametros

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2013

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issue 35

93-110

EN

The aim of this paper is an analysis of Karl Marx’s account of social criticism. The paper opens with a distinction between two models of social criticism, Platonic and Socratic, present in the contemporary political philosophy. The main argument is that despite the contradictory char-acter of the two models of criticism, they are both present in Marx’s account of criticism. Through the concept of emancipation the idea of criticism in Marx is oriented to practice, which leads to the Socratic model of critique. However, through the concept of ideology, especially in the Althusserian account, the Marxian idea of critique shows a strong relation to the Platonic model. The paper concludes that the presence of both contradictory elements, those of internal and exter-nal critique, in the Marxian idea of criticism is not a contingent effect of the development of his thought, but a necessary condition of every kind of criticism.

6

Genealogia jako krytyka : Habermas vs . Foucault

88%

Rasiński L.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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issue 8(39)

87-109

EN

The aim of this paper is to respond to the objections raised by Jürgen Habermas in his work The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity against Michel Foucault’s concept of genealogical critique. In my response I draw primarily on Foucault’s methodological texts and I demonstrate the strong connections of his ideas to the French historical epistemology of Gaston Bachelard and Georges Canguilhem. This connections concern mainly the ideas of the „recurrent method” and the „history of error” developed in this tradition. I argue that these ideas refute Habermas’ allegations against Foucault’s view of history (presentism) as well as his approach to the problem of truth (relativism). At the concluding part of my paper I focus on Foucault’s concept of freedom, emphasizing the practical and „anti‑romantic” character of this concept and its connection to the Marxian idea of emancipation (the objection of cryptonormativism).

7

Humour and intertextuality in online spoof news

88%

Shilikhina K. M.

The European Journal of Humour Research

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2020

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vol. 8

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issue 3

EN

The paper discusses spoof news as a parody of the traditional genre of news and the role of intertextual references in the creation of the intended humorous or satirical effect. The study is based on the texts published by various online sources specialising in the production and spreading of spoof news. On the surface, the main aim of such non-bona fide pieces of news is not to misinform the readers, but rather to entertain them. However, along with entertainment, these texts also convey serious social implications. They implicitly undermine social norms and values and existing stereotypes about social roles and patterns of behaviour. The non-bona fide mode of such news can be signalled by a variety of intertextual references, e.g., fictional quotations, allusions to well-known texts, events or realia. The aim of the study is to demonstrate how these intertextual references create satirical effect and convey social criticism.

8

“In questa casa sono tutti morti”. Di cosa parlano veramente Pinocchio e gli altri grandi libri (non solo italiani) per bambini

88%

Grilli G.

Italica Wratislaviensia

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2017

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issue 8.1

101-119

EN

In an attempt to find a possible criterion according to which to select the most representative titles and authors in the history of Italian children’s literature, one finds that a very peculiar theme characterises the books that can be considered most remarkable: death. Death, though, in Italian as well as in all the other children’s classics around the world, is not dealt with in a literal way, but in a metaphorical, symbolic, indirect one. Therefore, it is necessary to borrow interpretative approaches from other scientific fields (anthropology and philosophy, for example) in order to understand death’s deepest meaning and to discover that what it stands for, in Italian (and not only Italian) children’s literature, is an “otherness”, a “beyond”, an unknown and non-anthropocentric dimension that children must go through in order to grow up.

IT

Ragionando su un possibile criterio in base al quale selezionare i testi e gli autori più rappresentativi della storia della letteratura per l’infanzia in Italia, ci si accorge che un tema in particolare caratterizza o è al centro di quelli che sono, di fatto, i suoi titoli più memorabili: la morte. Essa, però, come del resto accade in tutta la grande letteratura per l’infanzia, è trattata in modo non letterale bensì metaforico, simbolico, indiretto, uno che richiede che la si interpreti avvalendosi di strumenti ermeneutici presi a prestito anche da altre discipline, come per esempio l’antropologia o la filosofia. La morte si rivela, così, per ciò che realmente è e vuole significare nei migliori libri per bambini (non solo italiani): una dimensione ‘altra’ rispetto a quella quotidiana, normale, antropocentrata, un Altrove da cui, per crescere, occorre necessariamente passare.

9

Humanity Scripts in Doris Lessing’s The Marriages between Zones Three, Four, and Five and The Cleft

75%

Marecki M.

Anglica Wratislaviensia

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2014

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issue 52

19 - 30

EN

Despite a span of thirty-seven years stretching the dates of their publication, Lessing’s The Marriages between Zones Three, Four, and Five (1980) and The Cleft (2007) share a common theme and genre (space fiction). Set in an unspecified past in imaginary universes, they both chronicle how two geographically separate and culturally divergent communities join forces in a collective struggle to subvert the effects of an inscrutable power enveloping their respective lands. This paper argues that, through their foregrounding of utopian longing, The Marriages and The Cleft present a coherent vision of humanity and thus can be seen as instruments to “cultivate humanity” (Nussbaum 1997). Employing the cognitive tools of schemas and scripts (Schank and Abelson 1977), the paper explores the ways Lessing enforces her social project and, simultaneously, attempts to modify the reader’s cognitive schema of humanity through cognitive scripting. It arrives at two main conclusions. First, Lessing’s five-component humanity script not only closely corresponds to M. Scott Peck’s (1987) well-established model of community building, but it outweighs the latter in its scope. Second, in her formulation of the concept of ideal society, Lessing, rather than resorting to radical approaches and ideologies, opts for “reforming society in movement and change” (Greene 1994: 188).

10

Organizacje pracodawców jako krytyk moralnego wymiaru życia gospodarczego

63%

Sroka R.

Prakseologia

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2018

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vol. 160

103-121

PL

Celem artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy organizacje pracodawców mogą i powinny odgrywać rolę krytyka moralnego wymiaru życia gospodarczego. Pod pojęciem krytyka społecznego rozumiemy zdolność i gotowość do etycznej oceny zjawisk gospodarczych i wyznaczania etycznych standardów postępowania. W artykule w pierwszej kolejności przedstawimy rozumienie krytyka społecznego i krytyki społecznej wypracowane przez amerykańskiego filozofa Michaela Walzera. Następnie dokonamy analizy aktów prawnych dotyczących organizacji pracodawców aby sprawdzić, czy z prawnego punktu widzenia od tego typu podmiotów ustawodawca oczekuje działań na rzecz etyki biznesu. Ostatnią część niniejszego artykułu stanowi analiza wewnętrznych aktów prawnych organizacji pracodawców oraz wybranych działań przez nich podejmowanych w celu oceny, na ile reprezentatywne organizacje pracodawców same biorą na siebie rolę krytyka moralnego aspektu życia gospodarczego wyznaczającego etyczne standardy postępowania przedsiębiorców w Polsce.

EN

The goal of presented article is attempt to deliver answer for the question whether employers’ organization should play role of social critic of moral aspect of economic sphere. The social criticism is defined as willingness to reconciliation of the ethical standards in term of economic area. At the beginning of this article is presented an approach to the subject of social criticism worked out by American philosopher Michael Walzer. Then will be checked out whether Polish regulations regarding to employers’ organization expect to play role of ethical social critic by such organizations. The last part of this article is a review of the internal formal documents of representative employers’ organizations. The purpose of these document review is to check whether employers’ organizations define their own role also as a social critic.

11

Analiza relacji władzy w konkurencyjnych perspektywach Noama Chomsky’ego i Michela Foucault

63%

Stachowiak J.

Studia Socjologiczne

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2012

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issue 1(204)

93-110

EN

The article aims at presenting two opposite socio-philosophical stances, to which most of research on power within the framework of discourse studies can be attributed. These outlooks are represented by the names of Noam Chomsky and Michel Foucault. The discussion between these intellectuals constitutes the basis for the comparative analysis presented in the article. The competing approaches to the following questions are juxtaposed: what is political power, why power relations need to be analyzed and possibly changed, what is the role of ideas like “struggle”, “freedom” or “justice” in these processes. For many researchers interested in discursive manifestations of power relations, this set of notions delineates the scope of normatively legitimate pragmatic issues inscribed into the research practice. The aim of the paper is to closely examine the assumptions underlying the rival solutions to the above mentioned issues. This is achieved by presenting the contrasting arguments used as a means for the justification of legitimacy and moral rightness of each standpoint.

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie dwóch przeciwstawnych stanowisk filozoficzno-nau- kowych, do których można przyporządkować dużą część badań nad władzą prowadzonych w ramach analizy dyskursu. Sygnowane są one nazwiskami Noama Chomsky’ego i Michela Foucault. Podstawą ich prezentacji jest dyskusja, w której udział wzięli obaj uczeni. Artykuł przedstawia opozycyjne spojrzenia na to, czym jest władza polityczna, co jest celem jej bada- nia i ewentualnej zmiany oraz jaką rolę odgrywają w tych procesach takie pojęcia jak: walka, wolność czy sprawiedliwość. Dla wielu badaczy dyskursowych przejawów relacji władzy ten zestaw terminów wyznacza sferę umocowanych normatywnie konkretnych problemów wpisanych w praktykę badawczą. Tekst stawia sobie zadanie prześledzenia przesłanek dwóch sposobów teoretyczno-badawczego rozwiązania tych kwestii, poprzez zaprezentowanie czę- ściowo przeciwstawnych argumentów służących nadaniu własnej optyce prawomocności lub moralnej słuszności.

12

Neklid před bouří: členská základna Komunistické strany Československa na sklonku normalizace

51%

Pažout J.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2020

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vol. 27

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issue 3-4

477-524

EN

The study maps out changes in the membership base of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and changes in moods, opinions and attitudes of party members at the end of the 1980s, i.e. at the time when the crisis of the normalization regime was increasing. To this end, the author makes use of, in particular, information reports prepared by the party apparatus on the basis of letters and complaints of party members and other citizens addressed to Communist Party leaders, other internal documents of the party, and period public opinion polls. He systematically identifies and examines each of the problematic areas which were regularly reflected in these documents: dropping interest in the membership in the Communist Party, manifestations of disobedience among party members, violations of party standards, and corruption; criticism of slow implementation of reforms, or, on the other hand, of too fast-advancing and far-reaching democratization; dissatisfaction with information presented by the media, alleged ideological defensive, and yielding to “opposition elements”; concerns about the future of socialism and a potential return of capitalism, also in connection with developments in the Soviet Union, Poland, and Hungary; national resentments, particularly in relation to the Hungarian minority in southern Slovakia and the government’s plans to establish German military cemeteries in the territory of Czechoslovakia; historical resentments, especially as regarded a partial reevaluation of the period of the first Czechoslovak Republic and the foundation period of the Communist regime; and, last but not least, various, mostly verbal anti-Communist incidents reflected in the letters and complaints. The author states that the empirical data on the development of the membership base of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and opinions of party members presented in the study does not confirm a conclusion to the effect that the policy of the Communist Party leadership enjoyed support of an overwhelming majority of party members, which was what party reports and excerpts from the letters mentioned above might suggest. He also examines the reasons why supporters of conservative and dogmatic opinions prevailed over “liberal” party members among the critical voices. In his opinion, the growing dissatisfaction among party members made a significant contribution to the helplessness of leaders of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in dealing with accumulating problems of the country, which became fully manifest after November 17, 1989.

CS

Předkládaná studie mapuje změny ve složení členské základny Komunistické strany Československa a v náladách, názorech a postojích straníků na konci osmdesátých let minulého století, tedy v době, kdy narůstala krize normalizačního režimu. Autor k tomu využívá především informační zprávy, které na základě dopisů a stížností členů KSČ i dalších občanů adresovaných komunistickému vedení sestavoval pro toto vedení stranický aparát, další vnitrostranické informační materiály a dobové výzkumy veřejného mínění. Systematicky identifikuje a probírá jednotlivé problematické oblasti, které byly v těchto písemnostech pravidelně reflektovány: klesající zájem o členství ve straně, projevy neposlušnosti ve stranických řadách, porušování stranických norem a korupce; kritika pomalého zavádění reforem, či naopak příliš rychlé a dalekosáhlé demokratizace; nespokojenost s informováním médií, údajnou ideologickou defenzivou a ustupováním „opozičním živlům“; obavy o osud socialismu a z návratu kapitalismu, také v souvislosti s vývojem v Sovětském svazu, Polsku a Maďarsku; nacionální resentimenty, zejména ve vztahu k maďarské menšině na jižním Slovensku a k záměrům vlády zřídit na československém území německá válečná pohřebiště; historické resentimenty, zvláště s ohledem na částečné přehodnocování éry první Československé republiky a zakladatelského období komunistického režimu; a konečně různé, většinou verbální protikomunistické incidenty, které v dopisech a stížnostech rezonovaly. Autor konstatuje, že prezentovaná empirická data o vývoji členstva KSČ a jeho smýšlení nepotvrzují závěr, že by se politika komunistického vedení těšila podpoře naprosté většiny straníků, jak o tom stále ujišťovala stranická hlášení z regionů i svodky ze zmíněných dopisů. Zamýšlí se přitom také nad důvody, proč mezi kritickými hlasy zřejmě převažovali zastánci konzervativních či dogmatických pozic nad stranickými „liberály“. Tato rostoucí nespokojenost v členské základně podle něj významně přispěla k bezradnosti vedení KSČ při řešení hromadících se problémů země, která se naplno projevila po 17. listopadu 1989.

13

Social Criticism without Emancipation: Reflections on Michael Walzer’s Critical Project

51%

Rasiński L.

Teraźniejszość – Człowiek – Edukacja

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2014

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vol. 65

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issue 1

7-23

XX

In this paper I discuss and criticize Michael Walzer’s concept of social criticism. I detect in his project an unacknowledged attempt at the reactivation of the young-Marxian idea of criticism as a “reform of consciousness”. However, I argue, Walzer challenges one of the most prominent and controversial assumptions of the Marxian project – the existence of the universal subject of emancipation. I claim that while Walzer’s elimination of this universal claims of social criticism is an understandable and important attempt at freeing political thought from philosophical illusions, it takes away the most significant reason for social criticism − an effort of oppressed groups at emancipation from domination. I agree with Walzer’s critique of the universality of the oppressed subject at the basis of Marxian thought. However, what I find troubling in Walzer’s idea is the resulting separation of criticism and emancipation, and this separation presents an impasse that I will try to illuminate in my article.

PL

Artykuł dotyczy koncepcji krytyki społecznej Michaela Walzera. Przedstawiam jego koncepcję w kontekście Marksowskiej idei krytyki jako „reformy świadomości”, która w moim przekonaniu była dla Walzera ważną inspiracją. Nie zgadzam się jednak z całkowitym odrzuceniem przez Walzera Marksowskiego dyskursu emancypacyjnego. Uważam za słuszną krytykę Marksowskiej idei uniwersalnego podmiotu emancypacji, jednakże, co staram się dowieść w artykule, nie musi to bynajmniej oznaczać odrzucenia samej idei emancypacji, która, zgodnie z koncepcją Marksa, jest zawsze racją i celem krytyki. Niedostrzeganie tej zależności przez Walzera uważam za istotny deficyt jego koncepcji krytyki społecznej.

14

Znaczenie Pokolenia ’98 dla narodowej oraz intelektualnej tożsamości Hiszpanów

51%

Kruszyńska K., Uniwersytet Wrocławski W. N. S., kamila.kruszynska@gmail.com

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica

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2016

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vol. 33

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issue 3

EN

The article presents the characteristics of Spanish modernism. The author points to a group of writers known as Generation ’98, whose shared characteristic was their focus on the criticism of the socio-political situation of their country in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The key representatives of the group are: Miguel de Unamuno, José Martínez Ruiz (Azorín), Pío Baroja, Ramiro de Maeztu, and Ramón del Valle-Inclán. The first section of the paper outlines the specific qualities of the literary output and attitudes of the Generation ’98 writers, distinct from modernism as such. The second part focuses on the attitude of thinkers to Spain and Spanishness, as well as intellectual consequences thereof. The final part presents a critique of that trend and its interpretation.

15

Krytykując innych czy nas samych? Spór MacIntyre’a z Winchem i idea krytyki społecznej

51%

Rasiński L.

Forum Oświatowe

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2017

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vol. 29

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issue 2(58)

35-44

EN

MacIntyre states in his criticism of Winch’s Idea of Social Science… that it is impossible to criticize the practices of societies with different forms of rationality in terms of their own forms of rationality; these practices must be intelligible within our own rationality. In this way he assumes that the only possible way to criticize other cultures is a “view from outside.” Responding MacIntyre, Winch states that every criticism of other cultures requires “extending of our own ability of understanding.” This seems to suggest that the only possible criticism is the “critique of ourselves.” This paper attempts to support Winch’s position with political argumentation. It refers to the Walzer-Said debate to demonstrate that the logic of social criticism requires reference to the political dimension of domination and the associated concept of emancipation.

PL

Krytykując Idei nauk społecznych… Wincha MacIntyre stwierdza, że niemożliwa jest krytyka praktyk społeczeństw, w których obowiązują inne formy racjonalności w kategoriach ich własnych form racjonalności, ponieważ praktyki te muszą być zrozumiałe w obrębie naszej własnej racjonalności. W ten sposób zakłada, że jedynym możliwym sposobem krytykowania innych kultur jest „spojrzenie z zewnątrz”. W odpowiedzi Winch zauważa, że każda krytyka innych kultur wymaga „poszerzenia naszej własnej zdolności rozumienia”. To wydaje się sugerować, że jedyną możliwą formą krytyki jest „krytyka nas samych”. Celem tego artykułu jest próba wsparcia tego stanowiska poprzez odwołanie się do argumentów politycznych. Poprzez nawiązanie do debaty między Walzerem a Saidem, staram się ukazać, że logika krytyki społecznej wymaga odniesienia do politycznego wymiaru dominacji oraz połączonego z nim pojęcia emancypacji.

16

Праблемна-мастацкае ўвасабленне “паўднёвага пытання” ў рамане Карла Леві Хрыстос спыніўся ў Эбалі

51%

Hanchar S.

Acta Albaruthenica

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2023

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issue 23

145-158

PL

„Kwestia południowa” jako zespół problemów spowodowanych ostrym zacofaniem gospodarczym, społecznym i kulturowym południowych regionów Włoch stała się jednym z głównych tematów literatury włoskiego weryzmu końca XIX w. Problem ten, nie do końca rozwiązany, pojawia się ponownie w literaturze neorealizmu w twórczości Francesco Giovine, Rocco Scotellaro, Leonardo Shacha i innych. Artykuł jest próbą historyczno-antropologicznej i literackiej analizy powieści Karla Leviego: przedstawiono wyniki wszechstronnej analizy autorskiej koncepcji świata i człowieka; ukazane są główne zasady i metody artystyczne ucieleśnienia problemów społecznych i gospodarczych południowych Włoch w kontekście literatury neorealistycznej; Zaprezentowano ideowo-artystyczną innowacyjność Leviego oraz oryginalność autorskiego rozwiązania „kwestii południa” za pomocą estetycznego wyrazu rzeczywistości.

BE

“Паўднёвае пытанне” як комплекс праблем, абумоўленых рэзкай эканамічнай, сацыяльнай і культурнай адсталасцю паўднёвых абласцей Італіі, стаў адной з цэнтральных тэм у літаратуры італьянскага верызму канца ХIХ ст. Так і не стаўшы да канца вырашанай, гэтая праблема зноў паўстае ў літаратуры неарэалізму ў працах Франчэска Джовіне, Рока Скотэларо, Леанарда Шаша і інш. Артыкул уяўляе сабой спробу гісторыка-антрапалагічнага і літаратуразнаўчага аналізу рамана Карла Леві: прыведзены вынікі комплекснага аналізу аўтарскай канцэпцыі свету і чалавека; выяўлены асноўныя мастацкія прынцыпы і прыёмы ўвасаблення сацыяльных і эканамічных праблем Паўднёвай Італіі ў кантэксце літаратуры неарэалізму; прадстаўлена ідэйна-мастацкае наватарства К. Леві і своеасаблівасць рашэння аўтарам “паўднёвага пытання” сродкамі эстэтычнага выказвання рэальнасці.

EN

In the late 19th century “The Southern question” as a complex of problems caused by the sharp economic, social and cultural backwardness of the southern Italian regions, became one of the central themes in the literature of Italian verism. As being not resolved till the end, this problem appears again in the literature of neorealism in the works of Francesco Jovine, Rocco Scotellaro, Leonardo Sciascia and others. European reader is familiar with this problem first of all in the connection with the novel “Christ stopped at Eboli” by Carlo Levi that was translated and published in 1955. This article represents itself the attempt of historical-anthropological interpretation of the novel by Levi: the results of author's complex conception of the world and human are given; the main stylistic principles and devices of South Italy social and economical problems realization in the context of the literature of neorealism are revealed; Levi's conceptual-stylistic innovation and his conception of “The Southern question” solution by means of fiction literature are represented.

17

Znaczenie Pokolenia ’98 dla narodowej oraz intelektualnej tożsamości Hiszpanów

45%

Kruszyńska K.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica

|

2016

|

vol. 33

|

issue 3

321-329

EN

The article presents the characteristics of Spanish modernism. The author points to a group of writers known as Generation ’98, whose shared characteristic was their focus on the criticism of the socio-political situation of their country in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The key representatives of the group are: Miguel de Unamuno, José Martínez Ruiz (Azorín), Pío Baroja, Ramiro de Maeztu, and Ramón del Valle-Inclán. The first section of the paper outlines the specific qualities of the literary output and attitudes of the Generation ’98 writers, distinct from modernism as such. The second part focuses on the attitude of thinkers to Spain and Spanishness, as well as intellectual consequences thereof. The final part presents a critique of that trend and its interpretation.

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