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From Equality of Opportunity to the Society of Equals

100%
Rosanvallon P.
Historická sociologie (Historical Sociology)
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2015
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vol. 2
83-95
EN
Any attempt to reaffirm equality as a fundamental democratic value faces two tasks: it must respond to social and cultural changes accompanying the most recent phase of capitalist development, and it must reactivate the original context of the democratic transformation that brought equality to prominence, in close conjunction with other aspects of an innovative vision. At the outset, equality was interpreted in terms of “a world of similar human beings, a society of autonomous individuals, and a community of citizens”. In this context, equality was closely linked to liberty, but their interconnections were also open to historical changes. Later developments – including the shift to a more organized kind of capitalism, two world wars and the rise of a temporarily successful rival version of modernity – led to significant upgradings of equality. But during the past half-century, the case for equality has been undermined by historical trends. Mutations of the capitalist economy, on the level of organization as well as production, and the disappearance of a really existing alternative, lent support to a new type of individualism. Drawing on Simmel’s distinction between the individualism of similarity and the individualism of distinction, the present phase can be interpreted as a radicalization and democratization of the individualism of distinction into an individualism of singularity. A social-liberal strategy, aiming at a reconciliation of liberty and equality, must take this new individualism on board and understand it as a social relationship, thus maintaining critical distance from neo-liberal ideology.
2
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The Role of the Free Democratic Party (FDP) in Domestic West-German Politics, 1969 - 1974: Example of Environmental Policy

100%
Kačmárová P.
Littera Scripta
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2017
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vol. 1
50-61
EN
As soon as the Social Democratic Party (SPD) won the elections to the Federal Diet (the Bundestag) in 1969, negotiations on forming a possible coalition government commenced. In the autumn of that year an agreement was reached between Willy Brandt and Walter Scheel to create a social liberal coalition of the SPD and the Free Democratic Party (FDP), which held until 1974. The coalition eventually collapsed because it could not weather the effects of the first oil crisis on the German economy and the internal problems related to an affair developing around W. Brandt. Even though it would be interesting to analyse the policies of the coalition government between 1969 and 1974 in their entirety, with W. Brandt´s Ostpolitik and foreign policy being the most recognized legacy, this paper focuses on the FDP, the coalition partner that always stood in the shadow of the larger SPD. What remains relatively unknown and discussed is the transformation of the FDP after 1971, when the party adopted the concept of social liberalism as defined in its reform programme, the Freiburg Principles. The purpose of this article is to help readers understand the FDP´s position within the coalition, whereby environmental policy is used as an example to prove that, despite being the less visible coalition partner, it achieved unprecedented successes in domestic policy. The main research questions are: What did the environmental policy represent to the contemporary government? What were its key defining documents? Who were the most important players in the legislative process? The research draws on primary sources hitherto untapped.
3
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Právní socialismus Sergeje Gessena

72%
Zemánek L.
Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)
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2019
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vol. 105
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issue 3
435-455
EN
This paper is dedicated to the political and legal philosophy of S. I. Gessen. Its goal is to analyse, criticise and interpret key concepts the author works with. Therefore attention will be paid to the following issues in the following order: (1) anti-utopianism, in which Gessen’s basic methodological approach is evident, this being the endeavour to utilise the positive elements of facticity (liberalism) and develop them within a new, socialist framework, (2) criticism of legal positivism and the related defence of natural law, (3) criticism of social liberalism (P. I. Novgorodcev) through the prism of Gemeinschaft, inter-subjectivity and participation, (4) criticism of Marxism, particularly economic determinism, social revolution and class struggle, (5) human rights, (6) the author’s concept of socialism, particularly in the field of law, the state and the economy and (7) the concept of the “new medieval age”. The paper primarily shows that Gessen can be classified in the Russian liberal- socialist paradigm (B. A. Kisťakovskij, G. D. Gurvič) and that his theories create opportunity for synthesis of liberal, socialist and conservative elements, which makes it an inspirational contribution, which can be used to criticise current practice and formulations corresponding to normative visions.
4
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Inteligencja polska, jej ewolucja historyczna przed wojną i w dobie powojennej

58%
Żarnowski J.
Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych
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2018
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vol. 79
EN
Autor, który przez wiele dziesięcioleci zajmował się historią inteligencji polskiej w latach międzywojennych, rozszerza swe zainteresowania na cały okres XX i początki XXI w. Dochodzi do wniosku, że inteligencja jako warstwa społeczna zaczyna być mniej ważna od inteligencji w rozumieniu elity kulturowej i intelektualnej. Szkic rysuje w skrócie jej dzieje. The author who, for many decades, worked on the history of Polish intelligentsia in the interwar period, extends his scholarly interest to the whole twentieth and the early twenty-first century. He concludes that the intelligentsia as a social strata begin to be less important than the intelligentsia as a cultural and intellectual elite. The present study sketches a summary of the intelligentsia’s history.
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