Search results

1

Nieletni jako sprawca czynu zabronionego – determinanty niedostosowania społecznego

100%

Chylińska K., Kękuś M., Dudek I., Szpitalak M.

Kwartalnik Pedagogiczny

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2019

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vol. 64(4 (254))

135-150

PL

The article covers the issue of juvenile delinquency and social maladjustment. The aim of this paper is to present, on the basis of literature review, a picture of child crime in Poland, as well as to present the psychological determinants of crime and social maladjustment among children. The article discusses the definition of a juvenile in the context of the proceedings for criminal acts and symptoms of social maladjustment. Moreover, it describes the psychological determinants of juvenile delinquency including personality and environmental factors (family, school environment and peers).

2

Self-esteem of socially maladjusted adolescents in the context of selected personality and environmental determinants

100%

Konaszewski K., Sosnowski T.

Kwartalnik Pedagogiczny

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2018

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vol. 63(1 (247))

217-236

EN

The article is an analysis of the results of the studies conducted in a group of socially maladjusted youth in whose case the family court applied educational measures, i.e. placed them in a Youth Educational Centre. The aim of the study was to find out the correlations between self-esteem, personality traits of maladjusted adolescents, and the environmental determinants (support factors and limiting factors). A total of 481 juveniles staying in Youth Educational Centres (YEC) participated in the study. The analysis showed that in the model the significant predictors of self-esteem were neuroticism, extraversion, conscientiousness and negative relations at school. The obtained research results are to be used in designing methodological solutions in order to support social rehabilitation and education activities carried out both in an open environment and in social rehabilitation facilities.

3

Solving the educational problems at school

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Wilczek P.

Problemy Opiekuńczo-Wychowawcze

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2018

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vol. 571(6)

46-55

EN

Nowadays, more and more parents, teachers, and educators are struggling with educational problems posed by children’s behavior. The places of their occurrence are both the school and family environment. In recent years, these problems have seemed to grow in strength, and occured in an increasing number of children, which mades it necessary to use various methods and means of pedagogy to solve these diffi culties. The aim of this article is to present ways of dealing with educational problems at school using several selected students. T he author focuses on describing the functioning of chi ldren in the school environment and presents specifi c ways of solving educational problems with reference to each of the described pupils. The method of individual cases, observation, interview, and document analysis were used to collect the research material. Pupils were observed during classes, on breaks, and while they were in the school common room. Interviews were conducted with teachers of the classes, which were attended by the pupils, other teachers, school educators, and school daycare teachers. While collecting the research material, the author also analysed the information contained in the class journals and opinions from psychological and pedagogical counseling centers. The cases of four students aged from 6 to 11 were analyzed. These students were selected for research to ensure the greatest diversity of case studies. Some conclusions were drawn considering the types of educational diffi culties that occured, functioning of the children as students, and actions to minimize educational problems. Recommendations were made for the families of the pupils surveyed, aimed at effective coping with educational problems and improvement in the functioning of children.

4

Poczucie winy jako emocja społeczna. Analiza wybranych nurtów badawczych

100%

Bielecka-Prus J.

Przegląd Socjologii Jakościowej

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2013

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vol. 9

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issue 2

104-127

PL

Poczucie winy jest jedną z najczęściej wymienianych emocji o społecznych źródłach, jednakże wciąż jeszcze zbyt mało wiadomo na temat procesów tworzenia osobistego i zbiorowego poczucia winy. Celem tego artykułu jest uporządkowanie sposobów ujęcia tego problemu. W pierwszej części artykułu omówione zostaną problemy, jakie wiążą się z definiowaniem pojęcia „poczucie winy” oraz jego sklasyfikowaniem. Następnie omówione zostaną wybrane teorie socjologiczne, które mogą okazać się szczególnie przydatne do analizy tego zespołu emocji, a szczególnie społecznego procesu wzbudzania, podtrzymywania i zarządzania poczuciem winy. W ostatniej części przedstawione zostaną wyniki analizy wywiadów pogłębionych z młodzieżą niedostosowaną społecznie na temat sposobów przeżywania winy w ich osobistym życiu.

EN

Feeling guilty is said to be one of important emotions with the social origin, but still little is known about the process of its construction in individual and collective life. The aim of the article is to show different possibilities of researching the problem. The first part of the text poses the problem of defining and classifying the feeling of guilt. Then, selected research perspectives are analyzed connected with arousing, maintaining, and managing the feeling. The final part presents the result of interviews (IDI) with socially maladjusted boys about their feelings of guilt in personal life.

5

Institutional alliance as a solution to the conflict with social expectations towards school in the situation of the phenomenon of students social maladjustment

88%

Fajfer-Kruczek I.

Studia Pedagogiczne

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2014

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vol. LXVII

6

Implementation of developmental tasks by socially maladjusted youth

88%

Porembska M.

Problemy Opiekuńczo-Wychowawcze

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2019

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vol. 584(9)

63-75

EN

The subject of this article focuses on the implementation of development tasks by socially maladjusted youth. According to the concept of Robert J. Havighurst, a person reaching a certain age of life has specific development tasks to fulfill. Mastering developmental tasks means achieving social and mental adaptation appropriate for a given phase of life. On the other hand, difficulties in coping with a developmental task indicate that the individual deviates from patterns and norms, and this may lead to an increase in the symptoms of maladjustment. The article presents the results of own research on the implementation of development tasks declared by socially maladjusted youth

7

Rozmiary nieprzystosowania społecznego młodzieży "nie uczącej się i nie pracującej" badanej w latach 1967/1968 i 1968/1969

87%

Ostrihanska Z., Kołakowska-Przełomiec H., Batawia S., Kossowska A., Marek M.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1972

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issue V

7-149

EN

INTRODUCTION The paper discusses the findings of research conducted by the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy Sciences’ Institute of Legal Sciences among Warsaw 15 - 17 years-olds who left school but were not gainfully employed, and were subject to the requirement of compulsory vocational training. The problem of this category of youth is of considerable social importance since it is closely connected with the problem of delinquent or socially at risk youth. In 1967 and 1968 the educational authorities in Warsaw registered 5,749 boys and 2,477 girls aged 15 - 17 who were “out of school and out of work”. The Department’s surveys embraced a sample of only a proportion of the youth subject to registration, but it included in all probability a large majority of the boys and girls whose normal education had suffered the greatest disturbances: 1) ones who had completed only four, five or six grades of elementary school and had been directed to newly organized two-year vocational schools; and 2) ones who had completed the 7th grade but had failed to qualify for admission to the 8th grade or to a normal vocational school and had been directed to newly organized one-year vocational schools. The object of organizing these one- and two-year vocational schools was to give the kind of children who drop out of the normal educational stream the chance of learning a trade and also those attending the two-year schools the possibility of continuing their elementary education. It should be noted that in the one-year schools classes are held only twice a week, and in the two-year schools three times a week. The remaining days are given over to practical in-work training. In the 1967/68 school year the Department’s inquiry was conducted among boys attending one- and two-year building and electrical schools and a one-year motor mechanics school; they accounted for 52 per cent of the boys with the greatest degree of school retardation. In the following year, 1968/69, the subjects were boys attending one- and two-year building and electrical schools, to which 60 per cent of boys in this category had been directed. In 1967 a sample for each school was drawn from a complete list of the pupils in attendance, providing a sample of 180 boys. In 1968 the survey embraced all the boys (a total of 252) at these two schools. In 1968/69 the inquiry was extended to include girls as well: the subjects were all the girls enrolled at a one-year catering school (70) and a one-year clothing school (40). As regards the age of the boys assigned to these vocational courses, 43 per cent were over 17 in the first survey, and 23 per cent in the second; the remainder were aged 15 and 16. Girls over 17 formed 31 per cent of the sample. The selection for the Department’s survey of pupils whose normal education had probably suffered the most serious disruptions made it reasonable to suppose that distinct symptoms of social maladjustment would be found among them. To ascertain the incidence of such symptoms and the size of the category of youth with clearly delinquent tendencies or records was one of the chief objects of the inquiry. However, the working hypothesis was that 15 - I7-year-olds “out of school and out of work” were recruited from among the sort of boys and girls who had in the first place had serious problems with the elementary school course and that these difficulties had played a large part in their social maladjustment. As regards the degree of their social maladjustment it seemed likely that they were far less demoralized than the majority of juveniles with criminal convictions and tendencies to recidivism. In the inquiry whose findings are discussed below the following breaches of the fundamental rules of society or the standards of behaviour expected of children and youth were considered evidence of maladjustment: 1) persistent truancy; 2) staying out of school and out of work; 3) keeping demoralized company; 4) running away from home; 5) excessive drinking; 6) delinquency; 7) sexual promiscuity among the girls. Account was further taken of symptoms indicating serious school maladjustment: considerable school retardation and frequent commencement and discontinuance of attendance at different schools. Only those subjects of the inquiry were classified as maladjusted in the case of whom evidence was obtained that they were given to conduct of a certain type and that they regularly displayed a combination of deviational symptoms and not only a single isolated one. It should be indicated that in view of the impossibility of conducting medical and psychological examinations crucial aspects of the genesis and mechanism of difficulties at school and behaviour disorders could not be properly investigated. The inquiry had necessarily to be restricted to symptomatic and not etiological criteria of maladjustment. These were, however, enough to identify on the basis of the degree of neglect of school work and specific behaviour certain boys and girls as being socially maladjusted to some extent or another ‒ which was the main purpose of the research undertaken among this category of youth and made it largely possible to single out the children in need of care and attention. Recourse was had in the inquiry to opinions about the subjects collected from their elementary and vocational schools and from the work-places in which they underwent practical training, to court and police records, etc. Tn addition, in 1967/68 background interviews were conducted in the homes of the subjects. Both in the first and second survey tests were made of their level of achievement in Polish and mathematics at schools and of their intelligence on the Raven’s Progressive Matrices. The inquiry was supplemented by follow-up studies which for the boys in each of the successive years embraced a period of 2 2/3 years and l 2/3 years (including the period of vocational school attendance). The paper in question runs to 140 pp. of print and consists of a number of contributions: Introduction; Section 1, devoted chiefly to the criteria of social maladjustment among children and youth (written by Z. Ostrihanska); Section 2, discussing the findings of the studies of 432 boys (written by H. Kołakowska-Przełomiec); Section 3, reporting on the studies of 110 girls (written by Z. Ostrihanska, in association with A. Kossowska); Section 4, containing the results of the tests of the boys’ and girls’ achievements in Polish and mathematics (written by M. Marek); and a resume of the results of all the research and the conclusions to be drawn from it (written by S. Batawia). FINDINGS OF THE RESEARCH AMONG BOYS The boys examined in the l967/68 school year (the first year in which the educational authorities registered this category of youth) were older than the subjects in the following year. As has been already indicated, 43 per cent of the boys in 1967/68 had passed their 17th birthday, compared to only 23 per cent in 1968/69. It is worth noting, however, that the number of l5-year-olds was small, only 23 and 36 per cent respectively. Since only a third of all the subjects were at least 17 at the time of registration, the question of the employment of these boys in the period preceding their referral to vocational school is not worth entering into. The basic point is connected with the course of their school attendance – the degree to which the process of education at elementary school was disrupted and the length of time these boys had been out of school (among those who had completed the 7th grade and also those who had discontinued attendance at a normal vocational school). The surveys revealed the important fact that only a small percentage of the youth described as “out of school and out of work” had in actual fact been absent from school for a period of more than six months (including the summer holiday): in the two succeeding years the number of boys of this kind was 28 and 21 per cent, while the number who had no breaks in school attendance whatsoever was 33 per cent in the first year and as much as 77 per cent in the next. On the other hand, the process of education had been highly disturbed: among the subjects attending one-year vocational schools only 21 per cent had no record of retardation at elementary school, and barely one per cent in the two-year schools. Among the boys attending the one-year schools 28 and 24 per cent had dropped two years behind, and 11 and 18 per cent three years or more. The boys in the two-year schools who had completed only 4 - 6 grades were of course even more retarded: in 1967/68 retardation of two years was shown by 28 per cent and in 1968/69 by 45 per cent, and three years or more by 52 and 39 per cent respectively. As many as 70 – 80 per cent of all the subjects had been systematically truant from elementary school, and about two-thirds had long-lasting disciplinary difficulties. In considering these boys’ failures at school, attention should be given to the results of tests of their achievement level and of their scores in the Raven’s Progressive Matrices. On the whole the subjects’ achievement level in mathematics differed markedly from that of a comparative sample of children in corresponding grades of elementary school. Bad marks in mathematics were scored by 62 and 64 per cent of the boys in the one-year schools and 83 and 86 per cent of the boys in the two-year schools. There were also considerable differences in achievement in Polish between the subjects and the control group. Particular emphasis should be given to the bad scores recorded in silent reading and comprehension tests not only by many of the boys in the two-year schools who had not completed the 7th grade but also by many of the boys in the one-year schools. This low achievement level in basic subjects was undoubtedly a serious obstacle to learning progress for the majority of the subjects, not only earlier at elementary school, but also at vocational school. Raven’s Progressive Matrices testing, first of all, reasoning ability revealed in 1967/68 a larger percentage of boys with low and very low scores than in the control group. The subjects in the one-year schools had better scores than the subjects in the two-year school. In the following year, 1968/69, however, the percentage with low and very low scores decreased, though it remained higher among the boys attending two-year schools than one-year schools. The Raven’s Progressive Matrices scores do not, however, explain all the reasons for the boys’ great degree of school retardation, since there was a fairly large group which had good and very good scores. Their failure at school must be connected with other factors than low reasoning ability. These may be deficiencies in other mental abilities, personality disorders, neglect at home, etc. In examining the degree of social maladjustment (the criteria were discussed earlier) of the boys surveyed in 1967/68 it was found that: 1) only 28 per cent of the boys could be judged seriously socially maladjusted; they displayed a number of symptoms of marked demoralization and committed offences (theft); 2) 35 per cent could be called moderately maladjusted: they had been out of school or out of work longer than six months, had been frequently truant, and some of them also displayed other symptoms of maladjustment of a less marked order: 3) a relatively large group (36 per cent) were boys who by and large displayed only symptoms of school maladjustment, and symptoms of demoralization only sporadically. It should be added that the number of seriously maladjusted boys was much smaller in the one-year schools (25 per cent) than among those who had not completed the 7th grade and had been placed in the two-year schools (33 per cent). It is worth drawing attention to the fact that boys with various Raven scores and various achievement levels in basic subjects can be found in similar percentages both among the group of boys only slightly socially maladjusted and the group of boys moderately or seriously maladjusted. However, the more socially maladjusted boys had worse home backgrounds than the others and no doubt suffered from greater personality disorders since they had already earlier caused more serious disciplinary problems. The greater degree of maladjustment among this groups of boys who had made bad progress at school was, therefore, affected by factors connected with personality and home background. It should be noted that 34 per cent of the subjects in 1967/68 and 33 per cent in 1968/69 came from broken homes. Fathers who were excessive drinkers (alcohol addicts among them) constituted 41 per cent of the total, and the number of brothers (over ten years of age) who displayed various symptoms of social maladjustment came to 30 per cent. Bad material conditions were found in almost half the homes of the subjects. The surveys revealed that the percentage of boys “out of school and out of work” who had appeared before juvenile courts was relatively small. Among the total number of subjects (432), only 28.4 per cent had been prosecuted before being directed to vocational school. In the period of attendance to vocational school and later a total of 39 boys were convicted, but only 14 of those had previous convictions. The percentage of boys brought to court rose only very slightly to 31.7 per cent, and it should be emphasized that the percentage of recidivists with three or more cases among the total number convicted came to only 24 per cent (including juvenile court appearances). A large majority of the subjects are therefore boys who were not seriously delinquent even though they displayed a whole series of symptoms of social maladjustment. The careers of the boys after placement in vocational schools are basically contingent on the degree of their social maladjustment, and only this, and not appearance in court, forms the proper criterion for assessing the difficulties encountered by efforts to normalize these boys. Although the subjects’ attendance at the vocational schools was not regular and there was a considerable degree of absenteeism from the practical training periods, while a large percentage (53 and 41 per cent in the two succeeding years) failed to complete the vocational course on time, follow-up studies showed that only a third of the subjects in 1967/68 and a fifth in 1968/69 had not subsequently continued their education or entered employment. These boys, in the case of whom attempts at rehabilitation had been wholly unsuccessful, did not exceed 25 per cent of the total of 432. Virtually all of them came from the group of subjects with serious prior social maladjustment who had long displayed advanced symptoms of demoralization. FINDINGS OF THE RESEARCH AMONG GIRLS The publication presents the findings of an inquiry conducted among 110 girls aged 15 - 17 who had been directed, on the grounds of being “out of school and out of work”, to two one-year vocational schools in Warsaw (catering and clothing). All the girls enrolled in these schools were the subjects of the study. The first point to be established was whether the girls classified as “out of school and out of work” had in fact not been attending school or gainfully employed for a longer period of time prior to admission. In point of fact the job question did not really enter the picture since almost all the subjects had never yet been employed, partly on account of their age: only 31 per cent of them had reached their 17th birthday at the time of the inquiry. Most of them had previously been attending school, while the period of idleness was as a rule very short: as many as 70 per cent had been in attendance until the end of the preceding school year and had found themselves without a place at the beginning of the new one. The number which had quit or interrupted school attendance in the course of the preceding school year came to 24 per cent; only 6 per cent had longer breaks in schooling of a year or more. However, if we forego this formal criterion of non-attendance and take into account not only failure to enroll in a school, but also systematic truancy, it turns out that the number not attending school is much larger: two-thirds of the subjects had either left school or, though nominally in attendance had in fact been systematically truant in the course of the preceding school year. The question of the criteria employed to classify young people as “out of school and out of work” merits special emphasis because, as we shall see, it was systematic staying away from school though nominally enrolled rather than brief official breaks in attendance which proved bad prediction for subsequent adjustment in the one-year vocational school. Two-thirds of the girl subjects had fallen behind in elementary school, and among 46 per cent this retardation came to at least two years. The school retardation of the subjects was not only much greater than the general rate among children in the higher grades of elementary school in Poland, but also greater than among boy subjects attending analogous one-year vocational schools. So large a degree of school retardation prompts the question whether poor progress was not due to the diminished intelligence level of the subjects. This point was examined with the help of Raven’s Progressive Matrices, tests of achievement in basic subjects, and the opinions obtained from teachers at the schools which the subjects had previously attended. A large percentage of the girls (41 per cent) had low and very low Raven scores (under 25 percentiles). Girls attending one-year vocational schools had far worse scores than average school children, and worse ones than boys attending one-year vocational schools and even than boys attending two-year vocational schools. These Raven scores must be put into the context of data obtained by other means. As had been said, tests were made of the level of achievement in basic subjects (Polish and mathematics). The percentage of subjects who displayed a very low level of achievement was greater than the percentage with low and very low Raven scores. The girls attending one-year vocational schools differed markedly in level of achievement from the control group of elementary school children. Additional information on the abilities of the subjects was obtained from questionnaires answered by teachers at the schools which these girls had previously attended. On this evidence, more of them were found to be “dull” than had been suggested by their Raven scores. The variations in the data obtained from different sources require clarification. Raven’s Progressive Matrices test only certain abilities (reasoning visual perception) important to learning. But there are also a number of other abilities which play a part in progress at school (e.g. memory, audial perception, verbal abilities) and deficiencies where these are concerned might have contributed to the low scores of the subjects in the tests of achievement and to the teachers’ estimates of their abilities. The failures or difficulties of a part of the subjects at school might have been connected with disturbances in these particular learning abilities. But they might equally well have been due to personality factors or – and this seems especially important given the evidence obtained in interviews – to considerable neglect at home. The school retardation of the subjects, their achievement level, their low Raven scores and the teachers’ opinions of their poor abilities are all signs that their being “out of school and out of work” was clearly bound up with failures at school and objective difficulties with learning. The next question was the degree of social maladjustment of the subjects. Only a small number of the girls (18 per cent) had no record of considerable school retardation, presented no particular problems of conduct at school, and displayed no symptoms of social maladjustment. The biggest quantitative problem among the subjects were the girls (almost half) who only manifested evidence of maladjustment as regards school work, i.e. retardation of two or more years, systematic truancy, and repeated discontinuance of school attendance. Only a third of the girls were found, however, to have other symptoms of social maladjustment: keeping demoralized company, running away from home, excessive drinking, stealing and suspected sexual promiscuity. It was only these girls in whom the relevant symptom or symptoms had occurred frequently or jointly that were classified as socially maladjusted. It should be added, however, that only three of the girls had been previously convicted, only 10 per cent were found to have committed thefts and only 10 per cent were suspected of sexual promiscuity. These percentages are insignificant when compared to those found in girls brought before the courts. However, for a third of the girls to reveal evidence of social maladjustment constitutes a relatively large proportion if it is compared with the degree of social maladjustment found in an average schoolgirl population. In the inquiry a comparison was made of the girls who displayed only symptoms of maladjustment at school (notably considerable school retardation) with those whose behaviour indicated evidence of social maladjustment as well. It was found that the subjects in the latter category tended indeed to come more frequently from adverse home environments and were more often described by school teachers as excitable, restless and aggressive. Although systematic truancy has in this study been placed under the heading of maladjustment at school, it proved in fact to be more frequent among the socially maladjusted girls than those who displayed only school maladjustment. This fact, as well as evidence of a connection between social maladjustment and certain personality features, suggest that it is not difficulties and failures at school as such, but the modes of reaction to them that lead to major maladjustment. The next point tackled by the inquiry related to the environmental, health and personality factors behind the subjects’ non-attendance of school and lack of employment. Here the data was obtained by means of background interviews and interviews with 62 of the girls who qualified most obviously for the designation of “out of school and out of work” on account of interrupted school attendance and systematic truancy. Of these 62 girts, as many as 44 per cent came from broken homes. Among their families there was a high incidence (47 per cent) of excessive drinking by the father. A third of the fathers had criminal convictions and in 30 per cent of the families there were brothers with convictions. This data indicates that the girls who were “out of school and out of work” had frequently been brought up in homes which constituted socially negative educative environments and got their children off to a bad start in life. Health data showed that 29 per cent of the girls “out of school and out of work” had suffered various protracted illnesses resulting in long absences from school which could have led to low achievement level. Hospital or sanatorium treatment had been prescribed at some time for 44 per cent. The interviews afforded grounds for suspecting that 23 per cent had suffered brain damage. These are all factors which interfere with progress at school. But they are obstacles which could have been more easily overcome if the girls could have counted on the help and care of their families; in the home environment in which many of the subjects grew up, on the other hand, they formed serious barriers to normal results at school. Finally progress at school has been analysed in 110 pupils attending one-year schools as well as their accomplishment in a successive year. A total of 40 per cent of the subjects attended the one-year vocational schools very irregularly, cutting over a quarter of the days of instruction. This poor attendance record had a statistically significant interdependence with systematic truancy in the preceding school year (though insignificant with the break in school attendance prior to enrolment in the one-year vocational school). This indicates that truancy should be regarded by schools as a particularly urgent warning to pay greater attention to the children involved. Irregular attendance of the one-year vocational schools was also connected with social maladjustment in the period preceding admission. The girls with the greatest degree of social maladjustment were the ones who found it hardest to adapt in the vocational schools. A year after the end of the school year in which the inquiry was conducted, follow-up interviews were made in order to see if the former pupils of the one year vocational schools were still attending school or gainfully employed. It was found that almost half the girls were continuing their education and 29 per cent were working (half of them in jobs matching their vocational qualifications); only about a fifth were “out of school and out of work”. The reasons they gave for this varied and in certain cases the fact that they were neither attending school nor working was clearly justified by special circumstances. CONCLUSIONS In the light of the surveys of the 15 - l7-year-olds “out of school and out of work,” it can be seen that a large majority of the subjects are recruited from among boys and girls whose basic problems can be reduced to school maladjustment, serious learning difficulties and inability to adapt to the school curriculum. With most of the subjects social maladjustment is clearly connected with school maladjustment, which is no doubt frequently the anterior process. The lack of detailed psychological and medical tests makes it impossible to say what are the factors chiefly responsible fur such school retardation: what percentage of the subjects are backward children, children with only partial developmental retardation, children with certain congenital defects which are serious obstacles to learning to read and write, or children with personality disorders which interfere considerable with a normal process of education, reduce their capacity for systematic effort, impede concentration, etc. The children whose normal progress at school encounters serious difficulties and cannot cope unaided with their school obligations have a sense of inferiority with regard to the other children in their class, and the conflict situations experienced by them continually and their fear of the consequences of bad results at school make for a hostile attitude to school, truancy, seeking contacts outside school with peers in a similar position, spending much of their time with other maladjusted boys in whose company they can win approval. Children of this kind frequently drop far behind in elementary school and sometimes fail to complete it altogether. Subsequently, they have a very difficult start in life, extremely limited prospects of employment in jobs with a low social status and a sense of personal failure and rejection which frequently helps to develop antisocial attitudes. In dealing with boys and girls of this sort who have already reached an older age bracket, one should realize that their considerable school retardation, their unaccustomedness for systematic study and the development of certain adverse habits militate against progress in the vocational schools to which they are directed. In view of the fact that teaching them a specific trade in combination with practical in-work training may be of vital importance to their subsequent careers, the syllabus in these special vocational schools should be adjusted to the degree of inability displayed by such boys and girls. Since the boys who have not even completed six or seven grades of elementary school are in a worse position than those who have completed a greater number of grades, the syllabus of the vocational courses for these children should be differentiated to match their achievement level in elementary school. It seems essential therefore, before directing such boys and girls to a vocational school, to submit them to psychological tests to discover their intelligence level and suitability for a specific trade. The findings of these surveys make clear the importance from the point of view not only of the practice of the educational authorities but also of social policy of paying special attention to cases of recurring repetition of elementary school grades and truancy, and of failure to complete elementary school. Problems and failures at school require the early intervention of psychologists and doctors and the extension of special attention to such children in the earliest grades. The elimination and prevention of symptoms of school maladjustment depend on the proper organization of school work to allow for the specific problems of this category of children. It is essential to provide a sufficient number of special classes in the lower years to enable children making poor progress to catch up and also individual coaching of pupils who have special learning problems. The surveys show how important the implementation of the above recommendations could be for prevention of social maladjustment and demoralization among a large proportion of the children subsequently classified as “out of school and out of work”. The fact that among juvenile offenders there is a large incidence of records of serious disturbances in the course of their education from an early age is obvious evidence of the need to pay special attention to school maladjustment with a view to the prevention of juvenile delinquency. Since the surveys have shown that a large proportion of children with serious school failures come from adverse home backgrounds, from broken homes, from homes in which the father is an alcoholic and from homes whose material circumstances are bad, it is essential to put such families under special supervision and also to provide welfare benefits to the mothers of children in such home.

PL

Publikacja posiada następującą strukturę: Wstęp I . Zofia Ostrihańśka: Kryteria nieprzystosowania społęcznego dzieci i młodzieży II. Helena Kołakowska-Przełomiec: Wyniki badań 432 chłopców "nie uczących się i nie pracujacych" III. Zofia Ostrihanska, Anna Kossowska: Wyniki badań 110 dziewcząt "nie uczących się i nie pracujących" IV. Maria Marek: Wyniki badań poziomu wiadomości szkolnych młodzieży "nie uczących się i nie pracującej" Streszczenie wyników badań i wnioski

8

Kryteria nieprzystosowania społecznego dzieci i młodzieży

87%

Ostrihanska Z.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1972

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issue V

15-31

9

Streszczenie wyników badań i wnioski

87%

Batawia S.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1972

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issue V

134-149

EN

In the light of the surveys of the 15 - l7-year-olds “out of school and out of work,” it can be seen that a large majority of the subjects are recruited from among boys and girls whose basic problems can be reduced to school maladjustment, serious learning difficulties and inability to adapt to the school curriculum. With most of the subjects social maladjustment is clearly connected with school maladjustment, which is no doubt frequently the anterior process. The lack of detailed psychological and medical tests makes it impossible to say what are the factors chiefly responsible fur such school retardation: what percentage of the subjects are backward children, children with only partial developmental retardation, children with certain congenital defects which are serious obstacles to learning to read and write, or children with personality disorders which interfere considerable with a normal process of education, reduce their capacity for systematic effort, impede concentration, etc. The children whose normal progress at school encounters serious difficulties and cannot cope unaided with their school obligations have a sense of inferiority with regard to the other children in their class, and the conflict situations experienced by them continually and their fear of the consequences of bad results at school make for a hostile attitude to school, truancy, seeking contacts outside school with peers in a similar position, spending much of their time with other maladjusted boys in whose company they can win approval. Children of this kind frequently drop far behind in elementary school and sometimes fail to complete it altogether. Subsequently, they have a very difficult start in life, extremely limited prospects of employment in jobs with a low social status and a sense of personal failure and rejection which frequently helps to develop antisocial attitudes. In dealing with boys and girls of this sort who have already reached an older age bracket, one should realize that their considerable school retardation, their unaccustomedness for systematic study and the development of certain adverse habits militate against progress in the vocational schools to which they are directed. In view of the fact that teaching them a specific trade in combination with practical in-work training may be of vital importance to their subsequent careers, the syllabus in these special vocational schools should be adjusted to the degree of inability displayed by such boys and girls. Since the boys who have not even completed six or seven grades of elementary school are in a worse position than those who have completed a greater number of grades, the syllabus of the vocational courses for these children should be differentiated to match their achievement level in elementary school. It seems essential therefore, before directing such boys and girls to a vocational school, to submit them to psychological tests to discover their intelligence level and suitability for a specific trade. The findings of these surveys make clear the importance from the point of view not only of the practice of the educational authorities but also of social policy of paying special attention to cases of recurring repetition of elementary school grades and truancy, and of failure to complete elementary school. Problems and failures at school require the early intervention of psychologists and doctors and the extension of special attention to such children in the earliest grades. The elimination and prevention of symptoms of school maladjustment depend on the proper organization of school work to allow for the specific problems of this category of children. It is essential to provide a sufficient number of special classes in the lower years to enable children making poor progress to catch up and also individual coaching of pupils who have special learning problems. The surveys show how important the implementation of the above recommendations could be for prevention of social maladjustment and demoralization among a large proportion of the children subsequently classified as “out of school and out of work”. The fact that among juvenile offenders there is a large incidence of records of serious disturbances in the course of their education from an early age is obvious evidence of the need to pay special attention to school maladjustment with a view to the prevention of juvenile delinquency. Since the surveys have shown that a large proportion of children with serious school failures come from adverse home backgrounds, from broken homes, from homes in which the father is an alcoholic and from homes whose material circumstances are bad, it is essential to put such families under special supervision and also to provide welfare benefits to the mothers of children in such home.

10

Wielokrotnie karani recydywiści w wieku 26-35 lat w świetle badań kryminologicznych

76%

Archiwum Kryminologii R.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1969

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issue IV

7-10

11

Przestępczość w rejonach uprzemysławianych i zależność dynamiki przestępczości od dynamiki procesów społeczno-gospodarczych (lata 1958-1960 oraz 1964-1966)

76%

Mościskier A.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1969

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issue IV

105-147

EN

The study consists of two parts. The first part is concerned with the development of delinquency in 4 regions under intensified industrialization programmes, whereas the other part deals with the relationships between the dynamics of socio-economic processes and the dynamics of delinquency, against the background of all the provinces in Poland. The studies discussed in both parts have been based on the police statistics of offences reported on and they embrace two periods: 1958-1960 and, 1964-1966. I. To illustrate a socio-demographical character of the 4 regions under intensified industrialization programmes, in addition to a periodization of the industrialization processes, presented by Professor J. Szczepański, also a scheme of socio-demographic processes in regions under industrialization programmes, prepared by Professor Rajkiewicz, has been taken into account. Stages of industrialization on the regional levels, differentiated by Professor J. Szczepański, are as follows: 1. Planning, which includes only those tasks which are considered indispensable for preparing an all-aspect industrialization plan on the particular region's level. 2. Construction of new industrial objects and substantial auxiliary premises. 3. Initial start of new industrial plants and completion of substantial auxiliary premises. 4. Achievement of stabilization and the new balance of conditions. In Piofessor A. Rajkiewicz's scheme of socio-demografic processes in regions under industrialization programmes, the following components have been differentiated (according to their growing intensification): migration processes, occupational activation of unemployed labour, employment mobility (chiefly consisting in frequent changes of places of employment by unskilled labour), achievement and improvement of occupational skill, crew forming in new places of employment. Empirical indices have been determined for such processes and it has been ascertained at the same time, that both intensification and dynamics of migration processes, activation of unemployed labour and employment mobility, generally speaking, achieved greatest intensity in stages of construction of industrial objects and of initial start of new industrial plants (especially in its primitive phase). On the other hand, the processes of achievement and improvement of occupational skills as well as that of the formation of crews in new places of employment were particularly characteristic for the stage of stabilization and new balance of interhuman relations. Problems of migration processes, occupational activation of unemployed labour as well as the problem of employment mobility, are related with the increased horizontal mobility. Since their nature consists either in mass migration or in frequent changes of places of employment by unskilled labour, therefore, those processes lead to the relaxation of environmental ties and to the slackening of social control over the individuals concerned. Thus, such processes may favour the development of certain forms of social disorganization including the intensification of delinquency. The processes of achievęment and improvement of occupational qualifications by those employed in the national economy or the processes of crew forming in new places of employment substantially consist in achieving a mass advance of individuals within a social structure and create conditions capable of developing stabilized communities with a normally functioning social control. Therefore, such processes may be recognized to be one of the social vertical mobility forms which consists in a mass advance of social nature in the population of the region concerned. Such a phenomenon should exercise some inhibitive influence on any signs of social disorganization and, consequently, on a decrease in delinquency. The abovementioned hypotheses have been confirmed by the findings obtained from the investigations of the development of delinquency observed in 4 regions under intensified industrialization programmes. To begin with, the total delinquency rates and dynamics in the regions in question were confronted with those in the provinces concerned. As for 1964-1966, it had been found that delinquency rates in the regions under industrialization programmes were considerably higher than those in the provinces. The total delinquency rate per 10 thousand inhabitants of the regions under industrialization programmes was 131.89 while that of the provinces concerned - 104.10. The biggest difference was found in the offences against social property, the rates having been 34.01 and 20.75, respectively; a significant difference was also found in robberies (1.06 against 0.66), clerical offences, very severe and severe bodily injury and offences against private property. Having confronted the delinquency dynamics between 1958-1960 and 1964-1966, it has been established that in the latter period, the rates of delinquency had considerably increased in the regions under industrialization programmes and showed simultaneous decrease in the provinces concerned. The general delinquency rates in the regions increased by 19.9 percent and those in the provinces decreased by 11.4 per cent. In the regions under industrialization programmes, the highest increase was noted in the robbery rate, namely by 165.0 per cent, against that by 46,7 per cent in the provinces; next came offences against social property (an increase in rate by 55.9 per cent in the regions and a decrease by 12.7 per cent in the provinces), finally, offences against private property (an increase in rate by 16.9 in the regions and a decrease by 16.9 per cent in the province). Of particular importance seems to be a finding from that analysis which concludes that the increase in delinquency in the particular regions of intensified industrialization programmes appears to be closely related with the industrialization stages achieved in those particular regions, on the one hand, and with the intensity or-some of the abovediscussed socio-economic processes, on the other. In 1964-1966, out of the four studied regions under intensified industrialization programmes, the first one reached the stage of construction of industrial objects and substantial auxiliary premises, the second and the third - were in the course of the initial start of new industrial plants and the completion of substantial auxiliary premises, and in the fourth one - stabilization and new balance of conditions was partially achieved. At the same time, in the first three regions, one observed considerable intensity of migration processes, occupational activation of unemployed labour and employment mobility which - as has already been mentioned - were connected with the increased social horizontal mobility. However, in the fourth region, the intensity of such processes was already considerably lower though other processes manifested themselves more clearly, namely the processes of achievement and improvement of occupational skills by those employed in the social economy as well as the process of the formation of crews in new places of employment, i.e., those processes which owing to the nature of the mass social advance are one of the forms of social vertical mobility. In 1958-1960 and 1964-1966, in the first three regions of intensified industrialization, there was an apparent increase in delinquency rates, especially in the latter period, in which the regional rates were considerably higher than the provincial ones. But at the same time in the fourth region, there was an evident decrease in delinquency rates and as for 1964-1966, the rates were even lower than in the province concerned. It may then be assumed that it is only two stages of intensified industrialization which might be recognized as those whięh favour an increase in delinquency rates, namely: the stages of construction of new industrial objects and of the initial start of new plants. The most rapid increase in delinquency rates is observed in the course of a few years after capital investments have been commenced, i.e. in the stage of construction of new industrial objects and in the early stage of the initial start of new industrial plants. It should be expected that higher rates of delinquency in the regions of intensified industrialization have a temporary character only, connected with greater social horizontal mobility and will certainly decline in accordance with the intensification of the processes of social advance of the population concerned. II. In the second part of the study, the relationships between the dynamics of socio-economic processes and that of delinquency have been analysed on the basis of the material collected from all the provinces in Poland. 79 variables were used in the analysis, including 15 concerned with delinquency. The rate was defined as a per-cent increase or decrease in the individual variables values in 1964-1966 against 1958-1960 (the value of the variable for 1958-1960 was 100 per cent). A method by J. Perkal, a Polish mathematician, was used, the so called ,,analysis of a set of characteristic" which is a simplification of L. L. Thurstone's multiplefactor analysis. 18 factors, referred to as processes, were obtained. 6 of these are particularly important for the topic of this study. Before we proceed with the discussion of the findings of that analysis mention must be made of the fact that in Poland, as compared with 1958-1960, a general decrease in the number of offences took place in 1964-1966. This is reflected in the formulations, concerning the relationships between the dynamics of socio-economic processes and that of delinquency, where mostly a slower or quicker decease in the number of offences, connected with the given process, is mentioned and not an increase of the delinquency itself. First of all, let us list three essential processes - from the industrialization and urbanization problems point of view - which in the light of the analysis failed to have shown any significant relation with the delinquency dynamics: 1. The rate of the economic development of the provinces (it should be noted, however, that there is a slight dependence between that process and an increase in juvenile delinquency). 2. The rate of the industrialization progress in the provinces. 3. The rate of the increment of the urban population in the provinces (it should be pointed out that recently in Poland, contrary to many other countries, migration to towns, having to a considerable extent been limited and controlled, essentially consists in a migration of experts wanted for the national economy). Let us mention now three socio-economic processes whose relationships with the delinquency dynamics are apparent: 4. A process, clearly marked in certain provinces, characterized by swift increment of the density of population, showing stabilization in a majority of branches of the national economy, (except for an increase in agricultural production), a process which, as compared with other provinces, is connected with a slower decrease in general delinquency, and especially with a decrease in offences against social or private property and in very severe or severe bodily injury. A swift increment of the population number which, except for agriculture, in certain areas was not accompanied by adequately swift economic progress seems to be a factor that might have a disadvantageous effect on the development of delinquency, adding in those areas to a slower decrease in delinquency rates. 5. A process, marked in certain provinces only, in which an increase in the proportion of employees of the lowest education level is observed, is connected, as compared with other provinces, with a slower rate of decrease in the total number of offences, especially of those against social or private property, on one hand, and with a quicker rate of increase in offences against public order officers and in certain offences against the person, on the other. It should be noted that that particular process is approximate in character to one which was dealt with in the first part of this study, typical for intensified industrialization, a process, manifesting itself by increased fluctuations of crews in new employment places, i.e. one of employment mobility. 6. The rate of growth of capital investments in the provinces shows a significant relationship with a quicker rate of housebreaking and a slower decrease in the number of clerical offences. An increase in the number of housebreaking is probably related to increased numbers of unskilled and ill-stabilized labour employed in capital investments. These are, in our opinion, the most important social and economic processes, differentiated as a result of an analysis of the material collected, whose relationships with the delinquency dynamics have already been discussed. First of all, most interesting is the fact that in the reporting provinces and periods of time such processes, as economic development, increased industrialization and increment of the urban population do not reveal any relationships with the delinquency dynamics. General views claiming close relations between,the processes mentioned and delinquency had somehow been shaken thereby. The final findings of our analysis have been confirmed by an undoubtful fact that in the reporting period in the province of Katowice, the most industrialized and urbanized province in Poland, there was the highest decrease in delinquency rates as compared with other provinces, and in 7964-1966, delinquency rates for the province of Katowice were much lower than the average rates for the country as a whole. It may then be assumed that there is no causation between such processes, as economic development, increased industrialization and increment of the urban population and the delinquency dynamics. Should in certain studies the two phenomena be found to appear, this would probably be due to other factors which failed to have been differentiated in the findings of such studies. Having considered the conclusions set forth in points 5 and 6, we believe that one of such factors is the social horizontal mobility which diminishes human environmental ties and limits possibilities for social control of individuals. Let us remember that point 5 was connected with a process characterized, among other things, by increased fluctuations of new plants' crews while point 6 - with a process of increased rates of capital construction where apparently, in that sort of work, poorly stabilized occupational categories are grouped. Simultaneously, both abovementioned processes reveal statistically significant connections with the delinquency dynamics. These remarks were confirmed by the conclusions drawn in the first part of this study, where it had been pointed out that increased rates and growth of delinquency in the regions under intensified industrialization programmes were related to sociodemographic processes characteristic for the social horizontal mobility. The sociodemographic processes, connected with an increased social horizontal mobility, consisting in migration and in frequent changes of employment by unskilled labour in general, are particularly intensified in an early phase of industrialization, i.e. in stages of construction, of new industrial objects and substantial auxiliary premise and of initial start of new industrial plants. But the later industrialization stages, where a phenomenon of a mass social advance of the population is observed, are not connected with increased delinquency rates.

12

Wyniki badań 110 dziewcząt “nie uczących się i nie pracujących”

76%

Ostrihanska Z., Kossowska A.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1972

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issue V

84-117

EN

The publication presents the findings of an inquiry conducted among 110 girls aged 15 - 17 who had been directed, on the grounds of being “out of school and out of work”, to two one-year vocational schools in Warsaw (catering and clothing). All the girls enrolled in these schools were the subjects of the study. The first point to be established was whether the girls classified as “out of school and out of work” had in fact not been attending school or gainfully employed for a longer period of time prior to admission. In point of fact the job question did not really enter the picture since almost all the subjects had never yet been employed, partly on account of their age: only 31 per cent of them had reached their 17th birthday at the time of the inquiry. Most of them had previously been attending school, while the period of idleness was as a rule very short: as many as 70 per cent had been in attendance until the end of the preceding school year and had found themselves without a place at the beginning of the new one. The number which had quit or interrupted school attendance in the course of the preceding school year came to 24 per cent; only 6 per cent had longer breaks in schooling of a year or more. However, if we forego this formal criterion of non-attendance and take into account not only failure to enroll in a school, but also systematic truancy, it turns out that the number not attending school is much larger: two-thirds of the subjects had either left school or, though nominally in attendance had in fact been systematically truant in the course of the preceding school year. The question of the criteria employed to classify young people as “out of school and out of work” merits special emphasis because, as we shall see, it was systematic staying away from school though nominally enrolled rather than brief official breaks in attendance which proved bad prediction for subsequent adjustment in the one-year vocational school. Two-thirds of the girl subjects had fallen behind in elementary school, and among 46 per cent this retardation came to at least two years. The school retardation of the subjects was not only much greater than the general rate among children in the higher grades of elementary school in Poland, but also greater than among boy subjects attending analogous one-year vocational schools. So large a degree of school retardation prompts the question whether poor progress was not due to the diminished intelligence level of the subjects. This point was examined with the help of Raven’s Progressive Matrices, tests of achievement in basic subjects, and the opinions obtained from teachers at the schools which the subjects had previously attended. A large percentage of the girls (41 per cent) had low and very low Raven scores (under 25 percentiles). Girls attending one-year vocational schools had far worse scores than average school children, and worse ones than boys attending one-year vocational schools and even than boys attending two-year vocational schools. These Raven scores must be put into the context of data obtained by other means. As had been said, tests were made of the level of achievement in basic subjects (Polish and mathematics). The percentage of subjects who displayed a very low level of achievement was greater than the percentage with low and very low Raven scores. The girls attending one-year vocational schools differed markedly in level of achievement from the control group of elementary school children. Additional information on the abilities of the subjects was obtained from questionnaires answered by teachers at the schools which these girls had previously attended. On this evidence, more of them were found to be “dull” than had been suggested by their Raven scores. The variations in the data obtained from different sources require clarification. Raven’s Progressive Matrices test only certain abilities (reasoning visual perception) important to learning. But there are also a number of other abilities which play a part in progress at school (e.g. memory, audial perception, verbal abilities) and deficiencies where these are concerned might have contributed to the low scores of the subjects in the tests of achievement and to the teachers’ estimates of their abilities. The failures or difficulties of a part of the subjects at school might have been connected with disturbances in these particular learning abilities. But they might equally well have been due to personality factors or – and this seems especially important given the evidence obtained in interviews – to considerable neglect at home. The school retardation of the subjects, their achievement level, their low Raven scores and the teachers’ opinions of their poor abilities are all signs that their being “out of school and out of work” was clearly bound up with failures at school and objective difficulties with learning. The next question was the degree of social maladjustment of the subjects. Only a small number of the girls (18 per cent) had no record of considerable school retardation, presented no particular problems of conduct at school, and displayed no symptoms of social maladjustment. The biggest quantitative problem among the subjects were the girls (almost half) who only manifested evidence of maladjustment as regards school work, i.e. retardation of two or more years, systematic truancy, and repeated discontinuance of school attendance. Only a third of the girls were found, however, to have other symptoms of social maladjustment: keeping demoralized company, running away from home, excessive drinking, stealing and suspected sexual promiscuity. It was only these girls in whom the relevant symptom or symptoms had occurred frequently or jointly that were classified as socially maladjusted. It should be added, however, that only three of the girls had been previously convicted, only 10 per cent were found to have committed thefts and only 10 per cent were suspected of sexual promiscuity. These percentages are insignificant when compared to those found in girls brought before the courts. However, for a third of the girls to reveal evidence of social maladjustment constitutes a relatively large proportion if it is compared with the degree of social maladjustment found in an average schoolgirl population. In the inquiry a comparison was made of the girls who displayed only symptoms of maladjustment at school (notably considerable school retardation) with those whose behaviour indicated evidence of social maladjustment as well. It was found that the subjects in the latter category tended indeed to come more frequently from adverse home environments and were more often described by school teachers as excitable, restless and aggressive. Although systematic truancy has in this study been placed under the heading of maladjustment at school, it proved in fact to be more frequent among the socially maladjusted girls than those who displayed only school maladjustment. This fact, as well as evidence of a connection between social maladjustment and certain personality features, suggest that it is not difficulties and failures at school as such, but the modes of reaction to them that lead to major maladjustment. The next point tackled by the inquiry related to the environmental, health and personality factors behind the subjects’ non-attendance of school and lack of employment. Here the data was obtained by means of background interviews and interviews with 62 of the girls who qualified most obviously for the designation of “out of school and out of work” on account of interrupted school attendance and systematic truancy. Of these 62 girts, as many as 44 per cent came from broken homes. Among their families there was a high incidence (47 per cent) of excessive drinking by the father. A third of the fathers had criminal convictions and in 30 per cent of the families there were brothers with convictions. This data indicates that the girls who were “out of school and out of work” had frequently been brought up in homes which constituted socially negative educative environments and got their children off to a bad start in life. Health data showed that 29 per cent of the girls “out of school and out of work” had suffered various protracted illnesses resulting in long absences from school which could have led to low achievement level. Hospital or sanatorium treatment had been prescribed at some time for 44 per cent. The interviews afforded grounds for suspecting that 23 per cent had suffered brain damage. These are all factors which interfere with progress at school. But they are obstacles which could have been more easily overcome if the girls could have counted on the help and care of their families; in the home environment in which many of the subjects grew up, on the other hand, they formed serious barriers to normal results at school. Finally progress at school has been analysed in 110 pupils attending one-year schools as well as their accomplishment in a successive year. A total of 40 per cent of the subjects attended the one-year vocational schools very irregularly, cutting over a quarter of the days of instruction. This poor attendance record had a statistically significant interdependence with systematic truancy in the preceding school year (though insignificant with the break in school attendance prior to enrolment in the one-year vocational school). This indicates that truancy schould be regarded by schools as a particularly urgent warning to pay greater attention to the children involved. Irregular attendance of the one-year vocational schools was also connected with social maladjustment in the period preceding admission. The girls with the greatest degree of social maladjustment were the ones who found it hardest to adapt in the vocational schools. A year after the end of the school year in which the inquiry was conducted, follow-up interviews were made in order to see if the former pupils of the one year vocational schools were still attending school or gainfully employed. It was found that almost half the girls were continuing their education and 29 per cent were working (half of them in jobs matching their vocational qualifications); only about a fifth were “out of school and out of work”. The reasons they gave for this varied and in certain cases the fact that they were neither attending school nor working was clearly justified by special circumstances.

13

Wyniki badań 432 chłopców “nie uczących się i nie pracujących”

76%

Kołakowska-Przełomiec H.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1972

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issue V

32-83

EN

The boys examined in the l967/68 school year (the first year in which the educational authorities registered this category of youth) were older than the subjects in the following year. As has been already indicated, 43 per cent of the boys in 1967/68 had passed their 17th birthday, compared to only 23 per cent in 1968/69. It is worth noting, however, that the number of l5-year-olds was small, only 23 and 36 per cent respectively. Since only a third of all the subjects were at least 17 at the time of registration, the question of the employment of these boys in the period preceding their referral to vocational school is not worth entering into. The basic point is connected with the course of their school attendance – the degree to which the process of education at elementary school was disrupted and the length of time these boys had been out of school (among those who had completed the 7th grade and also those who had discontinued attendance at a normal vocational school). The surveys revealed the important fact that only a small percentage of the youth described as “out of school and out of work” had in actual fact been absent from school for a period of more than six months (including the summer holiday): in the two succeeding years the number of boys of this kind was 28 and 21 per cent, while the number who had no breaks in school attendance whatsoever was 33 per cent in the first year and as much as 77 per cent in the next. On the other hand, the process of education had been highly disturbed: among the subjects attending one-year vocational schools only 21 per cent had no record of retardation at elementary school, and barely one per cent in the two-year schools. Among the boys attending the one-year schools 28 and 24 per cent had dropped two years behind, and 11 and 18 per cent three years or more. The boys in the two-year schools who had completed only 4 - 6 grades were of course even more retarded: in 1967/68 retardation of two years was shown by 28 per cent and in 1968/69 by 45 per cent, and three years or more by 52 and 39 per cent respectively. As many as 70 – 80 per cent of all the subjects had been systematically truant from elementary school, and about two-thirds had long-lasting disciplinary difficulties. In considering these boys’ failures at school, attention should be given to the results of tests of their achievement level and of their scores in the Raven’s Progressive Matrices. On the whole the subjects’ achievement level in mathematics differed markedly from that of a comparative sample of children in corresponding grades of elementary school. Bad marks in mathematics were scored by 62 and 64 per cent of the boys in the one-year schools and 83 and 86 per cent of the boys in the two-year schools. There were also considerable differences in achievement in Polish between the subjects and the control group. Particular emphasis should be given to the bad scores recorded in silent reading and comprehension tests not only by many of the boys in the two-year schools who had not completed the 7th grade but also by many of the boys in the one-year schools. This low achievement level in basic subjects was undoubtedly a serious obstacle to learning progress for the majority of the subjects, not only earlier at elementary school, but also at vocational school. Raven’s Progressive Matrices testing, first of all, reasoning ability revealed in 1967/68 a larger percentage of boys with low and very low scores than in the control group. The subjects in the one-year schools had better scores than the subjects in the two-year school. In the following year, 1968/69, however, the percentage with low and very low scores decreased, though it remained higher among the boys attending two-year schools than one-year schools. The Raven’s Progressive Matrices scores do not, however, explain all the reasons for the boys’ great degree of school retardation, since there was a fairly large group which had good and very good scores. Their failure at school must be connected with other factors than low reasoning ability. These may be deficiencies in other mental abilities, personality disorders, neglect at home, etc. In examining the degree of social maladjustment (the criteria were discussed earlier) of the boys surveyed in 1967/68 it was found that: 1) only 28 per cent of the boys could be judged seriously socially maladjusted; they displayed a number of symptoms of marked demoralization and committed offences (theft); 2) 35 per cent could be called moderately maladjusted: they had been out of school or out of work longer than six months, had been frequently truant, and some of them also displayed other symptoms of maladjustment of a less marked order: 3) a relatively large group (36 per cent) were boys who by and large displayed only symptoms of school maladjustment, and symptoms of demoralization only sporadically. It should be added that the number of seriously maladjusted boys was much smaller in the one-year schools (25 per cent) than among those who had not completed the 7th grade and had been placed in the two-year schools (33 per cent). It is worth drawing attention to the fact that boys with various Raven scores and various achievement levels in basic subjects can be found in similar percentages both among the group of boys only slightly socially maladjusted and the group of boys moderately or seriously maladjusted. However, the more socially maladjusted boys had worse home backgrounds than the others and no doubt suffered from greater personality disorders since they had already earlier caused more serious disciplinary problems. The greater degree of maladjustment among this groups of boys who had made bad progress at school was, therefore, affected by factors connected with personality and home background. It should be noted that 34 per cent of the subjects in 1967/68 and 33 per cent in 1968/69 came from broken homes. Fathers who were excessive drinkers (alcohol addicts among them) constituted 41 per cent of the total, and the number of brothers (over ten years of age) who displayed various symptoms of social maladjustment came to 30 per cent. Bad material conditions were found in almost half the homes of the subjects. The surveys revealed that the percentage of boys “out of school and out of work” who had appeared before juvenile courts was relatively small. Among the total number of subjects (432), only 28.4 per cent had been prosecuted before being directed to vocational school. In the period of attendance to vocational school and later a total of 39 boys were convicted, but only 14 of those had previous convictions. The percentage of boys brought to court rose only very slightly to 31.7 per cent, and it should be emphasized that the percentage of recidivists with three or more cases among the total number convicted came to only 24 per cent (including juvenile court appearances). A large majority of the subjects are therefore boys who were not seriously delinquent even though they displayed a whole series of symptoms of social maladjustment. The careers of the boys after placement in vocational schools are basically contingent on the degree of their social maladjustment, and only this, and not appearance in court, forms the proper criterion for assessing the difficulties encountered by efforts to normalize these boys. Although the subjects’ attendance at the vocational schools was not regular and there was a considerable degree of absenteeism from the practical training periods, while a large percentage (53 and 41 per cent in the two succeeding years) failed to complete the vocational course on time, follow-up studies showed that only a third of the subjects in 1967/68 and a fifth in 1968/69 had not subsequently continued their education or entered employment. These boys, in the case of whom attempts at rehabilitation had been wholly unsuccessful, did not exceed 25 per cent of the total of 432. Virtually all of them came from the group of subjects with serious prior social maladjustment who had long displayed advanced symptoms of demoralization.

14

Wstęp

76%

Batawia S., Ostrihanska Z.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1972

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issue V

8-14

EN

The paper discusses the findings of research conducted by the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy Sciences’ Institute of Legal Sciences among Warsaw 15 - 17 years-olds who left school but were not gainfully employed, and were subject to the requirement of compulsory vocational training. The problem of this category of youth is of considerable social importance since it is closely connected with the problem of delinquent or socially at risk youth. In 1967 and 1968 the educational authorities in Warsaw registered 5,749 boys and 2,477 girls aged 15 - 17 who were “out of school and out of work”. The Department’s surveys embraced a sample of only a proportion of the youth subject to registration, but it included in all probability a large majority of the boys and girls whose normal education had suffered the greatest disturbances: 1) ones who had completed only four, five or six grades of elementary school and had been directed to newly organized two-year vocational schools; and 2) ones who had completed the 7th grade but had failed to qualify for admission to the 8th grade or to a normal vocational school and had been directed to newly organized one-year vocational schools. The object of organizing these one- and two-year vocational schools was to give the kind of children who drop out of the normal educational stream the chance of learning a trade and also those attending the two-year schools the possibility of continuing their elementary education. It should be noted that in the one-year schools classes are held only twice a week, and in the two-year schools three times a week. The remaining days are given over to practical in-work training. In the 1967/68 school year the Department’s inquiry was conducted among boys attending one- and two-year building and electrical schools and a one-year motor mechanics school; they accounted for 52 per cent of the boys with the greatest degree of school retardation. In the following year, 1968/69, the subjects were boys attending one- and two-year building and electrical schools, to which 60 per cent of boys in this category had been directed. In 1967 a sample for each school was drawn from a complete list of the pupils in attendance, providing a sample of 180 boys. In 1968 the survey embraced all the boys (a total of 252) at these two schools. In 1968/69 the inquiry was extended to include girls as well: the subjects were all the girls enrolled at a one-year catering school (70) and a one-year clothing school (40). As regards the age of the boys assigned to these vocational courses, 43 per cent were over 17 in the first survey, and 23 per cent in the second; the remainder were aged 15 and 16. Girls over 17 formed 31 per cent of the sample. The selection for the Department’s survey of pupils whose normal education had probably suffered the most serious disruptions made it reasonable to suppose that distinct symptoms of social maladjustment would be found among them. To ascertain the incidence of such symptoms and the size of the category of youth with clearly delinquent tendencies or records was one of the chief objects of the inquiry. However, the working hypothesis was that 15 - I7-year-olds “out of school and out of work” were recruited from among the sort of boys and girls who had in the first place had serious problems with the elementary school course and that these difficulties had played a large part in their social maladjustment. As regards the degree of their social maladjustment it seemed likely that they were far less demoralized than the majority of juveniles with criminal convictions and tendencies to recidivism. In the inquiry whose findings are discussed below the following breaches of the fundamental rules of society or the standards of behaviour expected of children and youth were considered evidence of maladjustment: 1) persistent truancy; 2) staying out of school and out of work; 3) keeping demoralized company; 4) running away from home; 5) excessive drinking; 6) delinquency; 7) sexual promiscuity among the girls. Account was further taken of symptoms indicating serious school maladjustment: considerable school retardation and frequent commencement and discontinuance of attendance at different schools. Only those subjects of the inquiry were classified as maladjusted in the case of whom evidence was obtained that they were given to conduct of a certain type and that they regularly displayed a combination of deviational symptoms and not only a single isolated one. It should be indicated that in view of the impossibility of conducting medical and psychological examinations crucial aspects of the genesis and mechanism of difficulties at school and behaviour disorders could not be properly investigated. The inquiry had necessarily to be restricted to symptomatic and not etiological criteria of maladjustment. These were, however, enough to identify on the basis of the degree of neglect of school work and specific behaviour certain boys and girls as being socially maladjusted to some extent or another ‒ which was the main purpose of the research undertaken among this category of youth and made it largely possible to single out the children in need of care and attention. Recourse was had in the inquiry to opinions about the subjects collected from their elementary and vocational schools and from the work-places in which they underwent practical training, to court and police records, etc. Tn addition, in 1967/68 background interviews were conducted in the homes of the subjects. Both in the first and second survey tests were made of their level of achievement in Polish and mathematics at schools and of their intelligence on the Raven’s Progressive Matrices. The inquiry was supplemented by follow-up studies which for the boys in each of the successive years embraced a period of 2 2/3 years and l 2/3 years (including the period of vocational school attendance). The paper in question runs to 140 pp. of print and consists of a number of contributions: Introduction; Section 1, devoted chiefly to the criteria of social maladjustment among children and youth (written by Z. Ostrihanska); Section 2, discussing the findings of the studies of 432 boys (written by H. Kołakowska-Przełomiec); Section 3, reporting on the studies of 110 girls (written by Z. Ostrihanska, in association with A. Kossowska); Section 4, containing the results of the tests of the boys’ and girls’ achievements in Polish and mathematics (written by M. Marek); and a resume of the results of all the research and the conclusions to be drawn from it (written by S. Batawia).

15

„Kariery małych dewiantów” czyli fenomen wykluczania dzieci przedszkolnych zagrożonych niedostosowaniem społecznym na wczesnych etapach edukacji

75%

Michel M.

Resocjalizacja Polska

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2014

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issue 7/2014

101-116

PL

Artykuł zawiera prezentację badań na temat procesu wykluczania społecznego z pierwszego etapu edukacji dzieci zagrożonych niedostosowaniem społecznym. Autorka prezentuje stosowane przez nauczycieli wychowania przedszkolnego strategie wykluczania i taktyki eliminacji dzieci, które sprawiają trudności wychowawcze. Autorka dokonuje analizy danych zgodnie z metodologią teorii ugruntowanej w kontekście teorii gier.

EN

The article presents research on the process of social exclusion from the first stage of the education of children at risk of social maladjustment. The author presents strategies and tactics used by teachers of preschool education to eliminate the exclusion of children who cause educational problems. The author analyzes the data in accordance with the methodology of grounded theory in the context of game theory.

16

„Prawo do mamy i taty” w resocjalizacji. Jak rozwijać duchowość „trudnych” wychowanków?

75%

Wojcieszek K.

Resocjalizacja Polska

|

2012

|

issue 3/2012

237 - 252

PL

Nauki społeczne i humanistyczne próbują wracać do pojęcia duchowości człowieka, głównie pod wpływem doświadczenia ruchów samopomocowych. Jednak duchowość bywa rozumiana dowolnie i nieprecyzyjnie. Można ją zrozumieć na podstawie pełnego opisu osoby ludzkiej wypracowanego przez klasyczną antropologię filozoficzną. Duchowość jest wtedy ujmowana jako rozwój sfery możności niematerialnej w człowieku (intelekt, wola), ale zwłaszcza jako skutek wiązania się człowieka z innymi osobami, relacjami osobowymi, które są zareagowaniem na transcendentalia bytowe. Wśród tych relacji najważniejsza jest miłość (ujmowana jako relacja osobowa, a nie jako uczucie). Wychowankowie placówek resocjalizacyjnych zazwyczaj znajdują się w sytuacji kryzysu duchowego, gdyż załamały się ich więzi osobowe, zwłaszcza z rodzicami. Aby przywrócić życie wewnętrzne wychowanków trzeba odbudować system więzi osobowych podejmując w pewnych wymiarach rolę rodzicielską. Udział w tak zbudowanej wspólnocie jest najbardziej naturalną drogą rozwoju duchowości wychowanka i wręcz warunkiem jego resocjalizacji. Otwiera drogę do kolejnych etapów życia wewnętrznego, w tym do więzi ściśle religijnych.

EN

Social sciences and humanities are trying to get back to the concept of human spirituality, mainly due to experience of the self-help movements. But spirituality is sometimes arbitrarily and imprecisely understood. It can be understood on the basis of a full description of the human person generated by the classical philosophical anthropology. Spirituality is then understood as the development of the sphere of immaterial potency in man (intellect, will), but especially as a result of binding by human relationships with other persons. Among the most important is the love relationship (recognized as a personal relationship, not a feeling). Pupils in the rehabilitation centers are usually located in a spiritual crisis because they broke personal relationships, especially with parents. To restore the inner life of the students it is necessary to rebuild the system of personal ties by taking in some dimensions of the parental role. Participation in the so-built community is the most natural way of development of the spirituality and even spiritual condition of succes of the rehabilitation. Opens the way for the subsequent stages of the inner life, including religious ties.

17

Zniekształcenia poznawcze i ich restrukturyzacja w procesie resocjalizacji młodzieży nieprzystosowanej społecznie

75%

Mudrecka I.

Resocjalizacja Polska

|

2015

|

issue 9/2015

13-25

PL

W świetle koncepcji poznawczych istotną przyczyną problemów przystosowawczych są dezadaptacyjne zniekształcenia poznawcze, polegające na przypisywaniu swoim doświadczeniom znaczenia w sposób niedokładny lub skrzywiony. Identyfikacja zniekształceń poznawczych u jednostek nieprzystosowanych społecznie umożliwia wychowawcom resocjalizacyjnym rozpoznanie przyczyn ich problemów w procesie przystosowania się do warunków środowiskowych oraz zrozumienie specyfiki ich funkcjonowania społecznego. Jednocześnie pozwala na dostosowanie metod oddziaływania resocjalizującego do popełnianych zniekształceń.

EN

In light of cognitive concepts, a significant cause of adaptation problems are maladaptive cognitive distortions, consisting in assigning meaning to one’s experience in an inaccurate or distorted way. The identification of cognitive distortions in social misfits enables social rehabilitation educators to identify their problems in the process of adaptation to the environmental conditions and to understand the nature of their social functioning. At the same time, it allows to adjust methods of social rehabilitation interaction to the committed distortions.

18

Cognitive Distortions and their Restructuring in the Social Rehabilitation Process of Socially Maladjusted Adolescents

75%

Mudrecka I.

Resocjalizacja Polska

|

2015

|

issue 9/2015

189-200

EN

In light of cognitive concepts, a significant cause of adaptation problems are maladaptive cognitive distortions, consisting in assigning meaning to one’s experience in an inaccurate or distorted way. The identification of cognitive distortions in social misfits enables social rehabilitation educators to identify their problems in the process of adaptation to the environmental conditions and to understand the nature of their social functioning. At the same time, it allows to adjust methods of social rehabilitation interaction to the committed distortions.

PL

W świetle koncepcji poznawczych istotną przyczyną problemów przystosowawczych są dezadaptacyjne zniekształcenia poznawcze, polegające na przypisywaniu swoim doświadczeniom znaczenia w sposób niedokładny lub skrzywiony. Identyfikacja zniekształceń poznawczych u jednostek nieprzystosowanych społecznie umożliwia wychowawcom resocjalizacyjnym rozpoznanie przyczyn ich problemów w procesie przystosowania się do warunków środowiskowych oraz zrozumienie specyfiki ich funkcjonowania społecznego. Jednocześnie pozwala na dostosowanie metod oddziaływania resocjalizującego do popełnianych zniekształceń.

19

Charakterystyka nieprzystosowania społecznego młodzieży podsądnej.

75%

Zaremba K.

Profilaktyka Społeczna i Resocjalizacja

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2015

|

vol. 27

7-37

PL

Głównym celem artykułu jest poznanie obrazu nieprzystosowania społecznego młodzieży podsądnej. Badania empiryczne przeprowadzono w grupie młodzieży, wobec której sądy rodzinne i nieletnich wydały postanowienie o zastosowaniu środka wychowawczego w postaci nadzoru kuratora. Grupę kontrolną stanowili uczniowie z zasadniczych szkół zawodowych. Łącznie uzyskano dane od 317 badanych osób (153 podsądnych i 164 uczniów szkół zawodowych). Okazało się, że grupa podsądna przejawia wyższy poziom nieprzystosowania społecznego w porównaniu z grupą kontrolną. Obraz ten prezentuje wadliwość funkcjonowania we wszystkich rolach społecznych (dziecka, ucznia, kolegi) odgrywanych przez młodzież w wieku szkolnym oraz szeroki wachlarz zachowań aspołecznych i zachowania nacechowane uciążliwą dla rodziców niesubordynacją.

EN

The main aim of the paper is to outline the image of the youth’s social maladjustment. Our empirical studies were conducted on a group of young people for whom family and juvenile courts had ordered the application of court guardianship as educational measure. The control group consisted of vocational school students. In total, data was gathered from 317 subjects (153 defendants and 164 vocational school students). The findings prove that in comparison with the control group, defendants show a higher level of social maladjustment. This testifies to the impaired functioning across all social roles (child, student, colleague) to be played by school age youth and to a wide variety of antisocial behaviors and of contumacy manifestations, highly bothersome for parents.

20

Socjopatologia wychowania – upozorowanie i fikcyjność

75%

Gara J.

Resocjalizacja Polska

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2012

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issue 3/2012

213 - 226

PL

Problem socjopatologii wychowania może być rozpatrywany z perspektywy pseudowychowania, a zatem upozorowania i fikcyjności wychowania. Kategorię pseudowychowania można zaś traktować jako przyczynek do analizy etiologii nieprzystosowania społecznego. Opis doświadczenia wychowawczego pozwala bowiem na oddzielenie od siebie tego, co ze względu na intencje i skutki, traktować należy jako „fakt pedagogiczny” od tego, co na miano takie nie zasługuje ze względu na swą pozorną wychowawczość. Nie można zatem pomijać zależności jakie potencjalnie zachodzą pomiędzy niektórymi sferami nieprzystosowania społecznego, a określonymi formami pseudowychwania, gdzie podmiot działań wychowawczych (model, osoba socjalizująco znacząca) traktowany jest jako zasadnicze źródło emitowania deformacji i wypaczeń wychowawczych. I tak wskazać można współzależność jak zachodzi między przejawami nieprzystosowania rodzinnego a charakterystykami wychowania wyobcowanego, przejawami nieprzystosowania szkolnego a kategorią wychowania nieadekwatnego oraz przejawami związanymi z kumulacją niekorzystnych czynników socjokulturowych a kategorią wychowania zawładającego.

EN

The issue of socio-pathology of education may be considered from the perspective of pseudo-education which entails appearances and illusion. The category of pseudo-education might also be perceived as a starting point for further analysis of social maladjustment. Additionally, it should be noted that the description of an educational experience allows for separating the “pedagogical fact” treated as such due to the intentions and effects from the thing that does not deserve to be called like this because of its merely superficial educational character. Thus, dependencies that potentially prevail between some spheres of social maladjustment and specific forms of pseudo-education, in which the subject of educational activities (a model, person playing a significant role in socialization) is treated as a basic source generating deformations and perversions in the process of introception of values, cannot be disregarded. With that in mind, one can refer to the dependency between the symptoms of family maladjustment and characterizations of alienated education, symptoms of school maladjustment and the category of inadequate education, and between the symptoms resulting from the aggregation of unfavourable social and cultural factors and the category of hobbling education.

Refine search results

Nieletni jako sprawca czynu zabronionego – determinanty niedostosowania społecznego

Self-esteem of socially maladjusted adolescents in the context of selected personality and environmental determinants

Solving the educational problems at school

Poczucie winy jako emocja społeczna. Analiza wybranych nurtów badawczych

Institutional alliance as a solution to the conflict with social expectations towards school in the situation of the phenomenon of students social maladjustment

Implementation of developmental tasks by socially maladjusted youth

Rozmiary nieprzystosowania społecznego młodzieży "nie uczącej się i nie pracującej" badanej w latach 1967/1968 i 1968/1969

Kryteria nieprzystosowania społecznego dzieci i młodzieży

Streszczenie wyników badań i wnioski

Wielokrotnie karani recydywiści w wieku 26-35 lat w świetle badań kryminologicznych

Przestępczość w rejonach uprzemysławianych i zależność dynamiki przestępczości od dynamiki procesów społeczno-gospodarczych (lata 1958-1960 oraz 1964-1966)

Wyniki badań 110 dziewcząt “nie uczących się i nie pracujących”

Wyniki badań 432 chłopców “nie uczących się i nie pracujących”

Wstęp

„Kariery małych dewiantów” czyli fenomen wykluczania dzieci przedszkolnych zagrożonych niedostosowaniem społecznym na wczesnych etapach edukacji

„Prawo do mamy i taty” w resocjalizacji. Jak rozwijać duchowość „trudnych” wychowanków?

Zniekształcenia poznawcze i ich restrukturyzacja w procesie resocjalizacji młodzieży nieprzystosowanej społecznie

Cognitive Distortions and their Restructuring in the Social Rehabilitation Process of Socially Maladjusted Adolescents

Charakterystyka nieprzystosowania społecznego młodzieży podsądnej.

Socjopatologia wychowania – upozorowanie i fikcyjność