In the Polish Kingdom in the years 1861-1914 were created at least 84 Russian social organizations and 10 their branches. For 1906, they assumed, respectively, 27 and 5. In the governorate cities established 61 associations (including Warsaw - 29), district towns - 28, another city - 1 and rail border settlements - 4. Government action against the social organization marked by legalizm, with no concessions to the Russians. The founders and members of the associationis were mostly government officials, army and police officers. Among the charitable organizations were the most (22 and 6 branches), social (19) and the cultural and library (17). The activities of the associations were mainly members of the support material and fill their free time.
This paper tackles the topic of social services, both public and private, used for the integration of immigrants in the case of the Basque Country. Firstly, some data of inflows to that Spanish region and the legal aspects in migration policies and programmes fostered for the integration of immigrants are shown. Secondly, the analysis that explores the social services and devices provided from the public sphere and from the social organizations concerning the integration of international migrants is performed. For this purpose, a research survey was carried out with an empirical study from a methodological design for document analysis and legislation. Qualitative techniques were applied to different agents and institutions involved in policy-making and public services for the integration of foreign-born residents at the level of the Basque Country including social workers at basic social services and civil society institutions and associations related to the immigrant population. The results are intended to draw conclusions and suggestions for the improvement and enrichment of the intervention with migrant population in intercultural European societies in time of reconfigurations.
On the positive side of global civil societies (NGOs) we could mention for instance the numerous civil initiatives which advance public education and public debate on global affairs. Many NGOs secured greater public support than governments and their officials. Most NGOs also undertook projects to fight for more equitable distribution of planetary resources. But at the same time the models of NGOs activities, growing and shaped by western patterns of economy and culture, were not properly understood and realized in the differentiated cultures of developing countries. This was the case especially at the end of cold war, when growing disappointment with globalization expanded the space for religious renewal. Alongside the erosion of traditional identities and sources of authority, religion was able to furnish the empty space of people's sense of security. In comparison with NGOs, religious social organizations (FBOs) have something qualitatively different to offer, particularly in terms of empowering people, e.g. giving them personal dignity and self-worth.
This article is situated in the humanistic sociology and social anthropology approach. In this approach, civil society is viewed as a society’s style of culture with respect to individual participation in group life based on common moral order. Its objective is to try to determine the extent to which western conceptions of civil society can be transferred to Chinese culture. It also strives to reconstruct civil behaviour patterns in China from a historical perspective. The basic tenet of this article is that, in the course of its evolution, Chinese culture developed various motivation and action patterns which may be the beginnings of a civil engagement. It is possible to formulate such a tenet on the assumption that civil society in contemporary China is largely based on tradition. It is tradition which defines the forms of non-institutional, self-organizing “second society.” One of the consequences of the adoption of this tenet is this article’s focus on analysis of the barriers against, and opportunities for, further development of civil society in contemporary China.
W drugiej połowie XIX i na początku XX wieku w Królestwie Polskim społeczność żydowska odgrywała ważną rolę w życiu społecznym, kulturalnym i naukowym. Lekarze pochodzenia żydowskiego często nawiązali współpracę z polskimi lekarzami, byli członkami stowarzyszeń naukowych i społecznych, należeli do redakcji czasopism naukowych, publikowali w periodykach społecznych i zawodowych. Ogromne zaangażowanie przedstawicieli żydowskiego zawodu medycznego było widoczne w zakresie popularyzacji wiedzy. We współpracy z polskimi lekarzami podejmowali trudne problemy medyczne, ale zajmowali się także kwestiami higienicznymi, społecznymi i edukacyjnymi. Byli aktywnymi członkami organizacji i inicjatorami licznych akcji społecznych o charakterze opiekuńczym, edukacyjnym i popularyzatorskim. Współpraca w dziedzinie społeczno-oświatowej pozwoliła zrealizować wiele śmiałych inicjatyw, wpływając na integrację ludności, zwłaszcza w największych miastach.
EN
In the Kingdom of Poland in the second part of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century, the Jewish community played an important role in social, cultural and scientific life. Doctors of Jewish origin very often worked together with Polish doctors. They were members of scientific and social associations; they belonged to the editorial boards of scientific journals; they published in social and professional periodicals. A huge involvement on the part of representatives of the Jewish medical profession was visible as far as popularization of knowledge was concerned. In cooperation with Polish doctors, they took on strictly medical problems, but they also dealt with hygienic, social and educational issues. They were active members of organizations and initiators of numerous social campaigns of a protective, educational and instructive nature. Cooperation in social and educational areas allowed them to carry out a number of bold initiatives, and it contributed to increased integration of the populace, especially in larger cities.
Polish Pedagogical Society in Lvov was established in 1868. This organization represented the teaching environment in Galicia. Until 1906 it operated under the name Pedagogical Society. It dealt with development of Galician education (especially folk education), social matters of teachers, also their self-education and professional development. The headquarters of the Society was seated in Lvov and on the territory of the whole Galicia a network of local branches was established. In 1896 there were 96 of them, later this number decreased. In this publication three lengthy documents have been included, which are stored in the Central State Historic Archives of Ukraine in Lvov. These materials come from the set of the Polish Pedagogical Society (fond 445). Those are two reports from the meetings of the Main Board of the organization (from December 1905 and June 1907) and a report from the 10th General Assembly of Delegates of the Society organized in Lvov in April 1912.
PL
Polskie Towarzystwo Pedagogiczne we Lwowie założono w 1868 r. Organizacja była reprezentantem środowiska nauczycielskiego w Galicji, do 1906 r. działała pod nazwą Towarzystwo Pedagogiczne. Zajmowała się rozwojem szkolnictwa galicyjskiego (szczególnie ludowego), sprawami bytowymi nauczycieli, także ich samokształceniem i doskonaleniem zawodowym. Centrala Towarzystwa mieściła się we Lwowie, na terenie całej Galicji stworzono sieć oddziałów terenowych, w 1896 r. było ich 69, potem liczba ta zmniejszyła się. W publikacji zamieszczone zostały trzy obszerne dokumenty przechowywane w Centralnym Państwowym Archiwum Historycznym Ukrainy we Lwowie. Materiały pochodzą z zespołu Polskie Towarzystwo Pedagogiczne (fond 445). Są to dwa protokoły z posiedzeń Zarządu Głównego organizacji (z grudnia 1905 i czerwca 1907 r.) oraz protokół z X Walnego Zjazdu Delegatów Towarzystwa, który zorganizowano we Lwowie w kwietniu 1912 r.
In the years 1926–1928, the Piłsudski leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs began the implementation of a new administrative policy, aimed specifically at the social and political life of the country. It was declared that the policy should focus on the “general political issues” of the Republic, and not just the problems of endangered security and internal order. As a result, the authorities intensified their activities towards the political parties and fractions as well as social organizations. They were subjected to increasingly growing observation and police surveillance. The administrative policy of the Ministers of Internal Affairs in relation to national minorities pursued the idea of national (political) assimilation. In the parliamentary elections of 1928, for the first time, the structures of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (as well as other Ministries) were explicitly included in the electoral campaign for the governmental fraction. As a result, the Piłsudski supporters indeed formed the largest club in the Parliament, but they did not win the majority there.
PL
W latach 1926–1928 piłsudczykowskie kierownictwo resortu spraw wewnętrznych rozpoczęło realizację nowej polityki administracyjnej, w szczególności wobec życia społeczno-politycznego kraju. Uznało, że jej głównym przedmiotem powinny być „zagadnienia ogólnopolityczne” Rzeczpospolitej, a nie li tylko problemy zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa i porządku wewnętrznego. W rezultacie kierownictwo to zintensyfi kowało swoje działania wobec partii i ugrupowań politycznych oraz organizacji społecznych. Były one poddawane coraz bardziej gruntownej obserwacji oraz inwigilacji policyjnej. Polityka administracyjna ministrów spraw wewnętrznych w stosunku do mniejszości narodowych realizowała ideę asymilacji państwowej (politycznej). W wyborach parlamentarnych w 1928 r. po raz pierwszy struktury resortu spraw wewnętrznych (i pozostałych resortów) zostały jednoznacznie włączone do akcji wyborczej po stronie obozu rządowego. W wyniku wyborów obóz piłsudczykowski co prawda stworzył największy klub poselski w sejmie, ale nie uzyskał w nim większości.
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