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EN
This paper argues that financialisation exacerbates gender inequity in the United States. During the Recession, wealth-stripping activities were targeted at single female homeowners prompting severe asset depletion among single women, people of color, and those who depend on them. Rather than protecting them from risk, their home equity and bodies absorbed the failures of capitalism within their network. The paper draws on a thematic analysis of interviews with 21 single female homeowners who experienced mortgage default. Rather than focusing on risk incidence, I take their relational pathways as the object of inquiry demonstrating how activities of gendered care work act as conduits and amplifiers of financialised risk that extends the responsibility for unpaid social provision throughout the lifespan. The analysis demonstrates how their status as homeowners positioned them in between market failures and the consequences of austerity thereby restructuring the function of home equity.
EN
Socialisation in a single-parent family has been associated with negative consequences both in previous research and popular discourse. This article investigates whether this association may be different in a society with a high rate of divorce and extramarital fertility. Using data from the Czech contribution to the EU-SILC survey, it tests hypotheses concerning the difference between the current situation of adults who grew up in single-parent families and those who were raised in intact families. We look for the influence of socialisation on single-parent families in three areas—educational attainment, current partnership situation, and current family income. The results of regression analyses show that the differences between children from single-parent families and those from intact ones are very small in the area of education (the influence is apparent only at the secondary school graduation level, no difference is present at the tertiary education level), relatively weak in the area of partnership situation, and imperceptible from the viewpoint of family income. These results exclude a causal explanation for the influence of single-parent families on outcomes, cast doubt on selective principles, and open space for interpretation in terms of mechanisms of family de-institutionalisation.
Society Register
|
2018
|
vol. 2
|
issue 2
19-62
EN
 The Unification Church, or the Unificationism, also known as HAS-UWC (Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity) or ‘Moonies’ (the term deemed now as disrespectful) but originating from the name of the founder Sun Myung Moon, who set up this Christian religious movement in Northern Korea in 1954 has approximately 3 million followers worldwide. Its existence and popularity are a global phenomenon, interesting not only for sociologists of religion but for politicians, philosophers and people of faith. The impact of this movement and the two-way social change remain a rare subject of study and this paper aims to fill the gaps and to discuss contemporary situation in regards to its followers.
EN
Based on a one-year ethnographic research conducted at the private higher education institution, this empirical study aims to analyse the MBA study program from the perspective of reproduction of social differences. The first part of the article presents the theoretical background of the study, Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of cultural, economic, symbolic and social capital and his perspective on educational institutions as a means of reproducing social differences. After introducing the basic features of the school under the study, the third, analytical part describes the manifest aims of the program that consist in reinforcement of cultural and economic capital. Besides these goals to provide students with knowledge for promoting their career opportunities and business success, the mechanisms builing of students’ symbolic and social capital are depicted. As the text shows, besides its manifest aims, the MBA program functions as a space for the conversion of economic capital into symbolic and social capital. Both of which then increase economic capital and thus enable to reproduce and reinforce students’ social positions.
EN
Too little attention has been paid to the school institutions intended to educate and socialize the children of the upper classes. Greece has a significant history of private educational institutions. Yet their history and role within the educational system and society has been consistently neglected. The study of elite private education and its relationship with the social reproduction of the upper and middle classes in Greece has been even more neglected. Through a study of elite private secondary schools, following the theoretical model of Pierre Bourdieu, we explored the relationship that the middle and upper social strata of Greek society maintain with specific private schools. In order to determine the above, we conducted a quantitative field survey at 13 well-known private schools in Athens, using a questionnaire. In these schools we find considerable over-representation of the social categories that are placed at the summit of the social hierarchy. A basic argument of our study was that different sections of the middle and upper classes develop different educational strategies to ensure their social reproduction and to increase their privileges. These different strategies adopted by traditional and more recently emerging social classes are reflected in the differences among the elite private schools as a “field” and they distinguished the very top private schools from the less prestigious one. Also, we have found that sections of the Greek upper and middle class provide their offspring, through certain schools and activities, with an international capital which is a necessary condition for their future participation in international educational and professional markets. The study’s central research methodology included geometrical data analysis such as correspondence analysis.
PL
Celem rozważań podjętych w artykule jest ukazanie powiązań oraz przedstawienie badań, które potwierdzają zasadniczy wpływ rodziny na system gospodarczy. Rodzina jest tu rozumiana jako podstawowa instytucja i grupa zarazem, która gwarantuje realizację wielowymiarowego procesu reprodukcji społecznej – począwszy od jej wymiaru demograficznego, przez socjalizacyjny, aż po ekonomiczny. Z tego względu, system gospodarczy – choć często w ekonomii postrzegany jako sfera odrębna od rodziny i prowadzonego przez nią gospodarstwa domowego – de facto istnieje, funkcjonuje i może rozwijać się tylko wówczas, gdy rodziny w obrębie społeczeństwa podejmują i realizują wspomniane wcześniej role. Od tego, z kolei, w jaki sposób to czynią, zależy czy uczestnikami systemu gospodarczego stanie się po pierwsze, odpowiednia (i wystarczająca) liczba przedsiębiorców, pracowników i konsumentów, którzy – po drugie – będą odpowiednio wyposażeni w umiejętności społeczne (miękkie) oraz wiedzę. Zgromadzone w artykule wyniki badań wskazują wyraźnie, że występujące i postępujące, szczególnie w obrębie cywilizacji zachodniej, procesy dekompozycji małżeństwa i rodziny istotnie oddziałują na kondycję gospodarki. Okazuje się bowiem, że z jednej strony rosnący odsetek rozwodów i związany z tym zjawiskiem rozpad rodzin, a z drugiej malejąca liczba małżeństw, wzrost liczby przypadków kohabitacji oraz urodzeń pozamałżeńskich mają istotny wpływ na jakość socjalizacji dzieci i młodzieży. Okazuje się bowiem, jak wskazują m.in. badania Jamesa J. Heckmana, że najbardziej efektywnym pod względem rozwoju umiejętności miękkich (non-cognitive skills) oraz osiągnieć edukacyjnych środowiskiem jest trwała i pełna rodzina. Rekomendacje i wnioski zawarte w artykule zwracają uwagę na znaczenie świadomości powyżej ukazanych zależności nie tylko dla polityki społecznej (i rodzinnej w jej obrębie), ale także dla tworzenia i realizowania polityki gospodarczej.
EN
The purpose of this article is to present the links and research that confirm the family’s vital influence on the economic system. The family is understood here as a basic institution and a group that simultaneously guarantees the realization of the multidimensional process of social reproduction – from its demographic dimension, through socialization to economic. For this reason, the economic system – although often seen in economics as a separate sphere from the family and the household it manages – in fact exists, functions and develops only when families within the society take and perform the aforementioned roles. How they do it influences whether the economic system receives appropriate (and sufficient) number of entrepreneurs, workers and consumers who are adequately equipped with social skills (soft skills) and knowledge. The results of the research presented in the paper show clearly that the processes of decomposition of marriage and family occurring and progressing, especially within Western civilization, significantly affect the condition of the economy. It turns out that, on the one hand, the increasing proportion of divorces and the related disintegration of families and, on the other hand, the declining number of marriages, the increase in cohabitation and extramarital births have a significant impact on the quality of socialization of children and adolescents. It turns out – as shown, among others. by James J. Heckman’s research – that the most effective in terms of development of non-cognitive skills and educational achievements is a stable and intact family. The recommendations and conclusions of this paper draw attention to the importance of awareness of the presented influences not only for social policy, but also for creating and implementing economic policy.
EN
This article discusses selected reading strategies of Anna Świrszczyńska’s poetry, and Czarne Słowa [Black words] (1967) in particular, a collection which, in my reading, presents the intersections between gender, race and class. The ahistorical category of gender, which is dominant in the reading of Świrszczyńska’s poetry, is what obscures the complex image of social relations that emerges from her works. Employing feminist theories of social reproduction, I argue that the situation of women presented in Czarne Słowa not only differs from the one shown in Jestem baba [I am a woman] but also reveals Świrszczyńska’s ethical project, to which I refer as extended solidarity.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest wybranym strategiom lekturowym twórczości poetyckiej Anny Świrszczyńskiej na przykładzie Czarnych słów (1967), książki, która w moim odczytaniu przedstawia nierozerwalny splot trzech społecznych uwarunkowań: płci, rasy i klasy. Dominująca w odczytaniu jej poezji ahistoryczna kategoria płci jest tym, co maskuje ów złożony obraz stosunków społecznych, jaki wyłania się z twórczości poetki. Przyjmując założenia feministycznych teorii społecznej reprodukcji, wskazuję, że sytuacja bohaterek Czarnych słów nie tylko różni się od tej ukazanej w Jestem baba, ale odsłania też przed nami etyczny projekt Świrszczyńskiej, który określam mianem solidarności rozszerzonej.
EN
The paper discusses basic income in the context of feminist political ecology using the concepts of reproductive labor, both performed by people and by nature. In the first part we elaborate on Wages for Housework campaign as a forerunner of the idea of basic income. The campaign inscribed the concept of income into intersectional relation between patriarchy and capitalism what was a key element of its revolutionary dimension. In the second part we analyze three different social struggles in order to create a ground for further reflections over the legitimacy such tools (and resolutions) as basic income. On the one hand the paper highlights some elements of the crisis of social reproduction, brought and further deepen by neoliberal reforms in Poland over the 25 years. On the other hand, it speaks to the issues of ecological crisis which needs to be taken into account in every anti-capitalist theory or strategy. Thus, the article aims to investigate if the wage demands for both reproductive and productive labor are still relevant in the era of neoliberal capitalism.
PL
Artykuł rozważa kwestię dochodu podstawowego z perspektywy feministycznej ekologii politycznej, wykorzystującej kategorię pracy reprodukcyjnej ludzi i przyrody. W pierwszej części nawiązujemy do Kampanii na rzecz Płacy za pracę domową – prekursorki dochodu podstawowego, która kwestię dochodów wpisywała w problematykę relacji między patriarchatem a kapitalizmem, co nadawało Kampanii rewolucyjny wymiar. W dalszej części artykuł przywołuje trzy aktualne walki społeczne, które są podstawą do dalszych rozważań na temat zasadności rozwiązania takiego jak dochód podstawowy. Z jednej strony naświetla sytuację kryzysu opieki w Polsce, narastającego wraz z neoliberalnymi reformami ostatnich 25 lat. Z drugiej rozwija problematykę kryzysu ekologicznego, którego rozwiązanie trzeba uwzględnić w każdej teorii i strategii antykapitalistycznej. Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy postulat płacy za pracę reprodukcyjną/produkcyjną ma dalej sens w dobie neoliberalnego kapitalizmu.
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