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EN
The article focuses on the question as to the role played by the secondary lands of the Bohemian Crown in the territorial understanding of the Czech state in the late Middle Ages, from the perspective of Bohemia as the centre of the state. The author identifies tendencies indicating whether the Bohemian political representatives or the authors of the sources understood the secondary lands as ‘our’ or foreign’, making use of categories of internal and external subjectivity, which are part of a broader concept of terminological description of the phenomenon of medieval statehood. The whole question is set in the context of the current intense debates about the medieval form of the political power system, and seeking parallels between it and the reality of the postmodern world, and especially the theory of the state and the theory of international relations, which are covered by the term neo-medievalism.
EN
The break-up of the former Yugoslavia resulted in the establishment of seven states with manifestly different citizenship regimes. Relating the politics of citizenship to the dominant nation-building projects, this paper argues that in the post-Yugoslav countries in which nation-building projects are consolidated (Croatia, Slovenia and Serbia) citizenship regimes converge around ethnic inclusiveness, while in those where nation building is contested (Macedonia and Montenegro) territorial rather than ethnic attachments are articulated in citizenship policies. In the case of Kosovo, and to a certain degree Bosnia and Herzegovina, policies emphasise territory due to international involvement in the shaping of their citizenship regimes. Even though all of these states have adopted ius sanguinis as the main mechanism of citizenship attribution at birth, the different approaches to naturalisation and dual citizenship indicate that the politics of citizenship are inextricably linked to the questions of nation building and statehood. To explore these issues, the paper first outlines the main traits of citizenship policies in contested and consolidated states. It proceeds by looking at different naturalisation requirements in the two groups of states. It argues that extension to ethnic kin occurs only in countries in which statehood and nation building are consolidated, where it serves to project an image of national unity. In states that are challenged by several competing nation-building projects, citizenship attribution through ethnic kinship is impossible due to lack of internal unity. The paper also analyses approaches to dual citizenship, identifying patterns of openness and restrictiveness. By doing so, it links the politics of citizenship to the interaction of foreign policy mechanisms in post-Yugoslav countries and identifies the points where these regimes overlap or conflict with each other.
EN
The purpose of this paper is to present the current condition of Ukrainian-Chinese economic relations, in particular initiatives related to the New Silk Road project. The author describes the main areas of cooperation between China and Ukraine, the results of individual initiatives, as well as the difficulties faced by some areas of bilateral cooperation. China turns out to be essential for Ukraine in a period when its relations with Russia have deteriorated and the European Union cannot provide Ukraine with sufficient support. The authorities in Beijing are aware of the strategic position of Ukraine, considering this country as an important link with Central and Western Europe. “is makes the bilateral cooperation very promising, and the increase of Chinese influence in Ukraine is an almost natural consequence of the good collaboration. An increasingly closer Ukrainian-Chinese cooperation results in a number of significant changes in Ukraine and its stronger statehood. According to the author, in the foreseeable future there will be further development of China’s economic expansion in Ukraine. The prospects for cooperation between these two countries are based on the current, multidimensional collaboration, which, however, encounters numerous barriers resulting from the economic weakness and the social capital of Ukraine.
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Donetsk people’s republic as de facto state

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EN
The political crisis in Ukraine, which grew into an armed conflict in the Donbass in 2014, was one of the reasons for the emergence of secessionist entities in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions .This study deals with the de facto state concept. The authors apply this phenomenon to the case study of the Donetsk People’s Republic. This paper relies largely on a theoretical framework of state failure concepts by authors Scott Pegg, David Lynch, Pål Kolstø and others. In addition, we also use the Montevideo convention qualifications. The authors have used data sourced from respondents living in the territory of the Donbass to answer their research questions.
PL
Przyjęto, że normy społeczne i kody kulturowe obowiązujące w różnych społeczeństwach nie muszą determinować cech osobowościowych ucznia i sposobu jego myślenia niezależnie od aktualnego miejsca zamieszkania. W świetle powyższych ustaleń celem opracowania stała się analiza intencji przedsiębiorczych młodzieży licealnej mającej różne obywatelstwo. Głównym narzędziem pomiarowym była ankieta skierowana do uczniów Liceum Ogólnokształcącego działającego w Zespole Szkół Szczecin International School oraz Technikum Zawodowego przy Zespole Szkół Budowlanych, która stanowiła próbę porównawczą. Ankietę przeprowadzono w formie przekrojowego badania bezpośredniego, w okresie od kwietnia do maja 2018 r. Jak wynika z badania, istnieją różnice w charakterystyce intencji przedsiębiorczych młodych Polaków i obcokrajowców. Często silny bodziec o charakterze finansowym prowokuje polskich uczniów do szybszej, bardziej zdeterminowanej, chociaż czasem – powierzchownie podjętej deklaracji gotowości do określonych zachowań przedsiębiorczych. W przypadku uczniów zagranicznych bodziec ten ma zdecydowanie mniejsze znaczenie, a zgłaszane intencje przedsiębiorcze wydają się być bardziej przemyślane.
EN
It has been assumed that social norms and cultural codes binding in different societies do not have to determine the student’s personality traits and the way of thinking regardless of the place where they live. Due to the above-mentioned issues the aim of the study was to analyse the entrepreneurial intentions of high school youth with different citizenship. The main measurement tool was a survey addressed to students of the high school in the School Complex of Szczecin International School and a Technical School of Construction named after Kazimierz Wielki, which was a comparative test. The questionnaire was conducted in the form of a cross-sectional study, from April to May 2018. As results from the conducted research, there are differences in the characteristics of entrepreneurial intentions of young Poles and foreigners. A strong financial stimulus provokes Polish students to a faster, more determined, although sometimes superficially made, declaration of readiness for specific entrepreneurial behaviours. In the case of foreign students, this stimulus is definitely less important, and the entrepreneurial intentions reported seem to be more thought-out.
EN
This review of case law of the International Criminal Court from September 2020 to April 2021 examines decisions concerning the compensation proceedings in the case of JP Bemba Gombo (section 2), the situation of the Comoros (section 3), the possibility of conducting proceedings outside the Hague seat of the International Criminal Court (section 4), the Palestinian statehood from the perspective of international criminal law (section 5), the guilty verdict in the case of Dominic Ongwen (section 6), Bosco Ntaganda’s liability for damages (section 7), the approval of the plan to implement collective reparations in the case of Thomas Lubanga (section 8), the appeal proceedings in the case of Bosco Ntaganda (section 9) and the decision to uphold the acquittal of Laurent Gbagbo and Charles Blé Goudé by the Appeals Chamber (section 10).
PL
Przegląd orzecznictwa Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego od września 2020 r. do kwietnia 2021 r. zawiera analizę orzeczeń dotyczących kolejno postępowania odszkodowawczego w sprawie Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo (pkt 2), sytuacji Komorów (pkt 3), możliwości prowadzenia postępowania poza haską siedzibą Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego (pkt 4), państwowości Palestyny z perspektywy międzynarodowego prawa karnego (pkt 5), winy Dominica Ongwena (pkt 6), odpowiedzialności odszkodowawczej Bosco Ntagandy (pkt 7), zatwierdzenia planu implementacji kolektywnych reparacji w sprawie Thoamas Lubangi (pkt 8), postępowania odwoławczego w sprawie B. Ntagandy (pkt 9) oraz podtrzymania wyroku uniewinniającego L . Gbagbo oraz C . Blé Goudé przez Izbę Odwoławczą MTK (pkt 10).
EN
The article analyses successively the Principality of Monaco’s statehood in general international law; the manifestations and consequences of clashes between the Prince’s and people’s sovereignty; restrictions on the exercise of sovereign rights imposed in the past on the Principality by bilateral treaties with France which have constitutional rank in the Monegasque legal order; the constitutional and international legal context of Monaco’s integration into international institutions and organizations, first of all into the Council of Europe; the European Union dimension of Monaco’s statehood. The article scrutinizes various specificities of this statehood, which are corollary to exceptionally small parameters of the Monegasque state, among others, the concept of the Monegasque “nation” and of its right to self-determination, the unbalanced distribution of rights and obligations set down by Monaco’s bilateral treaties with France, or the phenomenon of the French law “vector” through which the Union law enters into the Monegasque law, however, the Principality being not able to control effectively this process.
CS
Článek postupně analyzuje státnost Monackého knížectví v obecném mezinárodním právu; projevy a důsledky střetů knížecí suverenity se svrchovaností lidu; omezení při výkonu svrchovaných práv uložená vminulosti Knížectví bilaterálními smlouvami s Francií, jež mají vMonaku ústavní sílu; ústavní amezinárodněprávní souvislosti integrace Monaka do mezinárodních institucí a organizací, zejména do Rady Evropy, a unijní rozměr monacké státnosti. Článek poukazuje na všemožné zvláštnosti této státnosti, jejichž příčinou jsou výjimečně miniaturní parametry monackého státu, ať už jde o pojem „monackého národa“, jeho práva na sebeurčení, nevyvážené distribuce práv a povinností ve smlouvách Monaka s Francií, nebo „nosiče“ francouzského práva, jímž do Monaka vstupuje unijní právo, aniž by Knížectví mohlo tento proces účinně regulovat.
EN
A resolution passed in 2012 by the United Nations General Assembly on upgrading the Palestinian observer status to the rank of a non-member observer state provoked vivid discussions on political and legal aspects of the Palestinian statehood. Following this resolution the government bodies of the Palestinian Authority in official documents refer to their entity as “the State of Palestine”, however many countries seem to decisively oppose to consider the above-mentioned resolution as the basis for recognition of the Palestinian statehood. In their opinion, only on condition of fulfilling the commonly acknowledged criteria of statehood, i.e. assuming the full control as well as exercising an independent power (including capacity to maintain foreign relations) over the population within the specified territory under its control may Palestine be recognized as a sovereign state. Taking the position that the above criteria represent the level of legitimacy of the state-building process and are regarded as constituents of the definition of a state under the international law, the author of the present thesis has undertaken to find the answer to the question whether Palestine has complete control over the specified territory, whether Palestinians form a nation and whether the Palestinian authorities can be regarded as effective and capable of representing its entity in international relations. This article makes the point that a decision on recognition of a geopolitical entity as a state is more political than legal in character and it remains the matter of discretional decision of other members of international community, therefore the process of recognition of Palestine depends, de facto, on current trends in international politics and the balance of forces in the international arena.
EN
The study focuses on the importance of the Parliament’s involvement in construction of the Czechoslovak state. With the exception of the German occupation, as the legislature of the Czechoslovak Republic, the National Assembly played an important role in affecting its republican and democratic character. The article discusses two of the most important stages of the formation of the Czechoslovak statehood. First is the Interwar period when the Czechoslovak statehood demonstrated features typical of parliamentary democracy with assumed parliamentary power, followed by the 1960s when the common state of the Czechs and Slovaks developed on a federal level.
EN
Issues related to international subjectivity are among the most widely discussed in the doctrine. While the issue of subjectivity is resolved by legislators in the legal systems of individual states, there is no similar treaty norm in international law. Hence, the concept and understanding of subjectivity is an issue considered primarily by representatives of the doctrine of international law. Therefore, it was stated that the subject of international law should have legal capacity, in other words, the ability to have rights and obligations and the ability to perform legal acts – the possibility of direct contracting of rights and obligations, which is associated with the ability to appear in international relations. The doctrine assumes that the specific subject of international law is the Sovereign Order of the Knights of Malta. Thus, the author of the publication analyses the entity’s subjectivity in terms of its ability to act in the field of international law, i.e. the ability to maintain diplomatic and consular relations, participate in international organisations, conclude agreements, submit claims and pursue them by referring to peaceful ways of settling international disputes, taking international responsibility, owning citizenship and territory.
PL
Zagadnienia związane z podmiotowością międzynarodową należą do najżywiej dyskutowanych w doktrynie. O ile w systemach prawnych poszczególnych państw kwestia podmiotowości rozstrzygana jest przez ustawodawców, o tyle w prawie międzynarodowym brakuje analogicznej normy traktatowej. Wobec tego pojęcie i rozumienie podmiotowości jest zagadnieniem rozpatrywanym przede wszystkim przez przedstawicieli doktryny prawa międzynarodowego. Przyjmuje się zatem, że podmiot prawa międzynarodowego musi legitymować się zdolnością prawną, czyli inaczej zdolnością do posiadania praw i obowiązków, oraz zdolnością do czynności prawnych – możliwością bezpośredniego zaciągania praw i obowiązków, co związane jest ze zdolnością występowania w stosunkach międzynarodowych. W doktrynie przyjmuje się, że specyficznym podmiotem prawa międzynarodowego jest Suwerenny Zakon Kawalerów Maltańskich. Celem niniejszej publikacji jest omówienie zagadnienia podmiotowości prawnomiędzynarodowej Zakonu Kawalerów Maltańskich. Wobec tego autor publikacji dokonuje analizy podmiotowości jednostki pod kątem jej zdolności do działania w sferze prawa międzynarodowego, tj. zdolności utrzymywania stosunków dyplomatycznych i konsularnych, uczestniczenia w organizacjach międzynarodowych, zawierania umów, występowania z roszczeniami i ich dochodzeniem poprzez odwołanie się do pokojowych sposobów załatwiania sporów międzynarodowych, ponoszenia odpowiedzialności międzynarodowej, posiadania własnego obywatelstwa oraz terytorium. Weryfikacja założeń nastąpiła poprzez dwa podejścia metodologiczne: dogmatyczno-prawne oraz formalno-dogmatyczne.
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2015
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vol. 18
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issue 4
63-79
EN
After more than two decades since the exit from Communism, no former communist country has been completely successful in catching up with the technological frontier countries. However, they divide into two groups: those which decreased the GDP gap with frontier countries since 1989-1990, and those which failed to do so. One may ask: What were the decisive causal conditions for their progress or failure in convergence? Were they the early implementation of Washington consensus style market reforms; their neighbourhood with advanced affluent countries; peaceful transition; accession to the EU; endowment with natural resources; state sovereignty before postcommunism; or interactions between these factors (or others)? Because of the small N, statistical analysis is not an appropriate tool for testing these hypotheses. Hence this paper uses qualitative comparative analysis to identify four explanatory puzzles of the catching-up growth performance of the postcommunist countries.
PL
Po ponad dwudziestu latach od upadku komunizmu, żaden z byłych krajów bloku komunistycznego nie był w stanie całkowicie dogonić krajów technologiczne przodujących. Jednak, kraje postkomunistyczne można podzielić na dwie grupy: te, którym udało się zmniejszyć lukę w produkcie krajowym brutto (PKB) w stosunku do krajów technologiczne przodujących, i te, którym nie udało się tego zrobić. Nasuwa się zatem pytanie, jakie uwarunkowania zadecydowały o powodzeniu lub niepowodzeniu konwergencji? Czy to było wczesne wdrożenie reform rynkowych w stylu Konsensusu waszyngtońskiego; Sąsiedztwo zaawansowanych gospodarczo krajów zamożnych; spokojny, pokojowy przebieg transformacji systemowej; przystąpienie do Unii Europejskiej, zasobność kraju w zasoby naturalne, skala suwerenności państwa przed transformacją lub interakcje między tymi czynnikami (lub inne czynniki)? Ze względu na małą liczebność próby (N), analiza statystyczna nie jest odpowiednim narzędziem do testowania tych hipotez. Dlatego w artykule zastosowano jakościową analizę porównawczą identyfikując cztery zagadki w wyjaśnianiu przyczyn powodzenia lub klęski wzrostu doganiającego w krajach postkomunistycznych.
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