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PL
Artykuł przybliża najbardziej istotne aspekty życia codziennego mieszkańców Kodnia (pow. bialski, woj. lubelskie) i jego najbliższych okolic. Wykorzystane archiwalia i wybrana literatura przybliża wiele, nierzadko wyjątkowo ciekawych zdarzeń z życia ludności tej nadbużańskiej miejscowości; zarówno z perspektywy administracyjnej (Kodeń, jako siedziba gminy), jak i w kwestiach narodowościowo – wyznaniowych. W Kodniu w latach 1918-1944 mieszkali Polacy, Rusini/Ukraińcy oraz Żydzi.
EN
The article describes the fate of the inhabitants of Kodeń (county: Bialski, province: Lubelskie) in the period from regaining independence in the first decade of January 1919, through a fiveyear period of German persecution, to the annexation of these lands by soldiers of the Red Army in July 1944. Discussed issues concern administrative and political-national topics. At that time, Poles, Ruthenians/Ukrainians and Jews lived in Kodeń. In the municipality of Kodeń (area 2320 ha) 1639 people lived in 09/30/1921 and 2544 in 07/01/1938. Despite the relatively small number of inhabitants, the political life in the commune was extremely turbulent. Kodeń in the 1920s was a poor settlement typical of south-eastern Podlasie. The basic source of income for the population were small, fragmented farms and about 50 craft and small shops. Even a dozen of wealthier farmers could not change their poverty. The lack of tradition of rational management, low agricultural culture and poor soils, in the majority of the Vth and VIth grade, were the cause of hunger especially in the pre-season. A relatively small, and at the same time the most significant social group in Kodeń, was intelligentsia and artisans. The core of the local social elite was created by teachers, clergy, doctors, commune officials, postmen and policemen. A part of craft workshops, a farm, a bakery, brickyards, mills and windmills belonged to the Polish population, unlike retail outlets, which in the vast majority were in Jewish hands. In the interwar period, Jews constituted the largest national minority in Kodeń. Their number was constant and did not exceed over 600 people. Only in the middle of 1939, it de-creased to 300. At the same time, 300 Russians and about 400 Ukrainians lived in the com-mune. They only dealt with agriculture and mostly did not engage into the social and political life of the village. Local authorities suspected Ukrainians of left-wing sympathies. In fact, from the middle of the 1930s, a significant part of them identified with the ideology pro-claimed by the leaders of the Nationalist Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, aimed at the establishment of the Great Ukraine. Since the defeat in September 1939, there were some significant socio-political chang-es in Kodeń’s commune. Germans brought Poles to the second-category inhabitants, favoring the Ukrainian community. In September 1942, over 400 years of Jewish history of had Kodeń ended, when Germans transported all of them into the ghetto in Międzyrzec Podlaski, from where they were moved to the concentration camp in Treblinka. The Germans’ extermination from the Lublin region by Soviet soldiers in the second half of July 1944, did not mean the liberation for its inhabitants. The inhabitants of Kodeń, with the tragic baggage of personal experiences from the period of German occupation, entered a new period of life, marked by great uncertainty and fear related to the rule of the next, the Soviet occupant this time.
EN
Cuba, due to the geographical location, is geostrategically important in the region, which was understood by the leaders of the United States, the Soviet Union, and in recent years also by the People's Republic of China. The history of the Cuban-Chinese contacts dates back to the days of creating of cultural and civilization governance by European invaders in Latin America, but it was not established by the political and economic relations, which began just after World War II, the creation of Communist Cuba and China. In the article, the author took an attempt to present the cultural, polit-ical and economic changes in relations of the two countries over more than 500 years in a variety of conditions arising from changes in the international environment and the position of China and Cuba in the context of the international relations.
EN
The paper presents Germany’s position on the main challenges in cooperation between the European Union and the People’s Republic of China in the second decade of the 21st century. The general conditions and objectives of EU cooperation with China, including the interests and objectives of Germany, are presented. This allowed to show the fundamental convergence of interests and aims of the EU and Germany in the policy towards China; they are focused on achieving mutual benefits in political and economic relations. In addition, the article discusses the perspectives of cooperation between the European Union/Germany and China, indicating the importance of advanced technologies as well as foreign affairs and security in its framework.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje stanowisko Niemiec wobec głównych wyzwań we współpracy Unii Europejskiej z Chińską Republiką Ludową w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku. Przedstawiono ogólne uwarunkowania i cele współpracy UE z Chinami z uwzględnieniem interesów i celów RFN, co pozwoliło ukazać zasadniczą zbieżność interesów i celów UE, i Niemiec w polityce wobec Chin; są one skoncentrowane wokół osiągnięcia wzajemnych korzyści w stosunkach politycznych i gospodarczych. Ponadto w artykule omówiono perspektywy współpracy Unii Europejskiej/Niemiec z Chinami podkreślając na znaczenie zaawansowanych technologii, spraw zagranicznych i bezpieczeństwa.
PL
Od początku urzędowania administracji prezydenta Johna F. Kennedy’ego w 1961 r. relacje amerykańsko-kubańskie postrzegane były w kontekście dynamiki zimnej wojny, programu Sojusz dla Postępu oraz stosunków z krajami Trzeciego Świata. Po kryzysie rakietowym Waszyngton starał się ustanowić modus vivendi w relacjach z rządem Fidela Castro oczekując zarazem pomocy ZSRR w powstrzymywaniu kubańskiej polityki inspirowania rewolucji w państwach latynoamerykańskich. Natomiast na początku lat 70. Stany Zjednoczone próbowały włączyć Hawanę w ramy détente między Wschodem i Zachodem i w proces poprawy stosunków z krajami Ameryki Łacińskiej, co przyczyniło się jednak do wzrostu międzynarodowej pozycji Kuby i umocnienia jej sojuszu z Moskwą, jednakże między USA i Kubą ustanowione zostało trwałe, choć pełne napięć, polityczne współistnienie.
EN
Since the beginning of John F. Kennedy administration in 1961 the U.S. contacts with Cuba were perceived in the context of Cold War dynamics, the Alliance for Progress and the policy toward the Third World. After the Missile Crisis Washington drifted toward modus vivendi with the Fidel Castro government while at the same time the U.S. expected the USSR to help contain Cuban-inspired revolutions in Latin America. In the early 1990s the United States aimed to engage Havana in the East-West détente framework and in the efforts to improve relations with Latin American countries therefore significantly contributed to the growing international position of Cuba and strengthened the Soviet-Cuban alliance however leading to the permanent, but still tense, political coexistence between the U.S. and Cuba.
PL
Po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego w grudniu 1991 roku na 15 niepodległych państw, w tym Federacji Rosyjskiej, pojawiła się realna możliwość zresetowania stosunków między Moskwą i Islamabadem. Federacja Rosyjska nie wykorzystała nowej sytuacji geopolitycznej do znaczącej poprawy wzajemnych relacji w ostatniej dekadzie XX wieku. Natomiast w dwóch pierwszych dekadach XXI wieku doszło do intensyfikacji stosunków politycznych, gospodarczych i militarnych między obu państwami, które ulegały wahaniom. Autor skupił się w artykule na przesłankach, które leżały u podstaw poprawy wzajemnych stosunków w wymienionych trzech obszarach. Przedstawione zostały także przesłanki, które hamowały i hamują bardziej intensywną współpracę, szczególnie na polu politycznym i gospodarczym. W zakończeniu zostało sformułowanych kilka wniosków.
EN
After the collapse of the Soviet Union into 15 independent states in December 1991, including the Russian Federation, there was a real opportunity to reset relations between Moscow and Islamabad. The Russian Federation did not take advantage of the new geopolitical situation to significantly improve mutual relations in the last decade of the twentieth century. However, in the first two decades of the twenty-first century, there was an intensification of political, economic and military relations between the two countries, which fluctuated. The author focused in the article on the premises that underline the improvement of mutual relations in these three areas. The premises that have inhibited and inhibit more intensive cooperation, especially in the political and economic fields, were also presented. In the end was formulated a few conclusions.
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