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PL
The article analyzes selected literary representations of partial genocide in the Congo Free State (1880–1908) as documents of the discourse of truth (in the sense of M. Foucault) in a given era. Considerations use achievements of the postcolonial studies as well as genocide studies. The analysis focuses on the comparison of two books – Heart of Darkness by Joseph Conrad and The Dream of the Celt by Mario Vargas Llosa. The author reconstructs the way indigenous people are presented in both novels, showing elements of the racist discourse in Conrad’s novel and the changes that Llosa introduced. He describes the character of Kurtz (a colonist and an order represented by him) as “empty signifiers” of the colonial system. The article analyzes the extent to which both authors adequately presented the functioning of the colonial system. It indicates the dimensions of Casement’s exclusion – the main character of Llosa’s novel – referring also to the analysis of gender studies. The author concludes that both works reveal the weakness of criticism undertaken from the particular position – Llosa and Conrad were high rank men in the hierarchy of the global capitalist society. Regardless of the intent, they reproduce the discourse of truth, establishing not only the subject of cognition, but also their own identity.
EN
The author compares 12 concentration camp systems, from US camps in the Philippines (1901–1902) to Serbian, Croatian, and Bosnian camps in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992–1995). He uses comparative history for macro-causal analysis, discusses the challenges in defining concentration camps, and compares camps with other institutions. Some of the features outlined in the paper can be found in all concentration camps (forceful isolation of masses of people in accord with a “collectivist logic”, power, and cruelty), while others are limited to certain sub-types (forced labor, medical experiments). The author proves that concentration camps were predominantly a tool that was intended to help win wars, reinforce and stabilize power, and create a new, obedient form of citizen. Therefore, camps were one of the many methods used to pacify hostile populations and internal opposition. At the same time, their potential became apparent and led to the rise and spread of absolute power structures.
EN
Aside from it being a crime, genocide is a very important subject of social sciences. The aim of the paper is to prove the thesis, that ideological discourses (not: ideologies) are an important part of genocidal mobilization. Ideological discourse establishes not only cultural myths (the codes of popular culture) that define what is normal in social life, but also institutions, habituses, social roles, etc. Therefore discourse plays direct and indirect role in mobilization. This article is based on critical discourse analysis theory, historical sociology paradigm and genocide studies. Legal definition of genocide does not easily lend itself to empirical and historical research. Therefore the author proposes the new definition of genocide and the list of genocides. There are seven main ideological discourses, which spurred genocidal mobilization in the XX century: (1) nationalist discourse, (2) Realpolitik discourse, (3) racist discourse, (4) medical/epidemiological discourse, (5) fundamentalist religious discourse, (6) conspiracy discourse and (7) discourse of usefulness and parasitism. These discourses are constructed as social texts and immediately translated into social constructs. The paper explores these discourses, that were crucial for the formation of modern genocides.
PL
Ludobójstwo, oprócz tego, że jest zbrodnią, stanowi bardzo ważny przedmiot nauk społecznych. Celem artykułu jest dowiedzenie tezy, że dyskursy ideologiczne (nie ideologie) są ważną częścią mobilizacji ludobójczej. Dyskurs ideologiczny ustanawia nie tylko kulturowe mity (kody kultury popularnej), które określają, co jest normalne w życiu społecznym, ale również instytucje, habitusy, role społeczne itd. Dlatego dyskurs odgrywa zarówno bezpośrednią, jak i pośrednią rolę w mobilizacji. Artykuł ten oparty jest na krytycznej szkole analizy dyskursu, paradygmacie socjologii historycznej oraz studiach nad ludobójstwem. Prawna definicja ludobójstwa nie daje się łatwo wykorzystać w empirycznych i historycznych badaniach ludobójstwa. Dlatego autor zaproponował nową definicję ludobójstwa i listę ludobójstw. Wyróżniono siedem dyskursów ideologicznych, które wpływały na ludobójczą mobilizację w XX wieku: (1) dyskurs nacjonalistyczny, (2) Realpolitik, (3) rasistowski, (4) medyczno-epidemiologiczny, (5) fundamentalistyczno-religijny, (6) spiskowy oraz (7) użyteczności i pasożytnictwa. Dyskursy te są konstruowane jako społeczne teksty i natychmiastowo przekładane na społeczne konstrukty. Artykuł bada wymienione dyskursy, które były kluczowe dla ukształtowania się nowoczesnych ludobójstw.
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EN
This paper discusses only the systems of concentration camps, omitting how individual camps functioned. The analysis starts with late 19th-century Spanish camps in Cuba and ends with late 20th-century camps for Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first part of the paper discusses the problems of defining a concentration camp and proposes an original definition. The second part focuses on the victims, including their position within the camp hierarchy. The third part shows the practice of history politics based on the system of camps to which Silesians and other groups were sent after the war. Consequently, the paper offers an original definition of a concentration camp that is missing from many scholarly papers, and discusses Polish complications in history politics related to avoiding the term “Polish concentration camps”. The interpretation was based on the hermeneutics of academic literature and multimodal discourse analysis, especially as it pertains to post-war camps.
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