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EN
Even a quick look at the life and career of Edith “Edy” Craig (1869-1947) should raise questions as to why she has been denied the recognition granted to her mother and brother, the acclaimed actress Ellen Terry and the scenic designer and theorist Edward Gordon Craig. Despite this ‘handicap’ of birth, she determined to make her own way and not to rely on the potential for nepotism such eminent relations would have permitted. This she did with a skill and passion that earned her, if not her proper place in theatre history, at least the respect of many of her contemporaries. In the light of recent research which goes some way to compensate for the previous neglect, this essay provides a necessarily brief overview of her life and early career, including her work with The Pioneer Players, an independent theatre group she founded in 1911.
FR
Même un regard rapide sur la vie et la carrière d’Edith « Edy » Craig (1869-1947) devrait soulever la question pourquoi on lui a refusé la reconnaissance qu’ont reçue sa mère et son frère – l’actrice acclamée Ellen Terry et le décorateur scénique et théoricien Edward Gordon Craig. En dépit de cet « handicap » de naissance, elle était déterminée de suivre son propre chemin et de ne pas compter sur le népotisme potentiel qu’auraient permis ces relations éminentes. Et c’est ce qu’elle a fait, avec compétence et passion, qui lui ont gagné, sinon une place dans l’histoire du théâtre, au moins du respect de la part de plusieurs de ses contemporains. A la lumière des recherches récentes, qui compensent le manque d’attention précédent, le présent essai montre, de façon sommaire, sa vie et les débuts de sa carrière, y compris son travail avec The Pioneer Players, un groupe de théâtre indépendant qu’elle a fondé en 1911.
Studia Humana
|
2014
|
vol. 3
|
issue 3
3-10
EN
Today, the concept of democracy seems inextricably linked with that of universal suffrage. But is it true? To let that anyone with a given age has the right to vote is a very good democratic practice, or would prefer to question the criteria for access to this right, perhaps to develop new systems? The current crisis of democracy in the Western world is symptomatic of a detriment of the political consciousness of the people? And yet it is very likely to be admissible and that only from the mass, the large numbers, rises the better choices? In this paper I try to answer these questions, drawing from personal opinions and thoughts, which I hope will inspire questions and curiosity in those who, like me, believes that any system is always perfectible, and that its aim should be to that perfection, without fear of asking uncomfortable questions. Personally, in fact, I can accept democracy as “the worst form of government except all the others that have been tried”, to quote a famous statement by Winston Churchill. But not for that I give up, and I try other ways. Ways that are more satisfying, more fair and keep us away from the horrors that only an angry mob can do.
EN
In this paper the relationship between parliamentary representation of nationalities and plural voting in Europe will be examined. First of all, it will be overviewed which European countries applied plural voting before 1945. Then the Hungarian legal scientists’ judge-ment of multiple voting before 1945 will be described and we ascertain when the Hungarian decision-makers intended to enact plural voting and how is it connected to minority issues. The Venice Commission’s opinion on the topic will also be detailed according to which plural voting is admissible only if it is in relation with representation of minorities and for the benefit of them. After this historical and theoretical overview, the practice of the only European country – Slovenia – applying plural voting on such a basis will be described. This paper also relates to the problem of plural voting and nationality in Hungary. The system of parliamentary representation of ethnic minorities in Hungary will be shortly analysed as well.
EN
A number of papers looking at specific aspects of the Czech women’s movement touch upon the political dimension of the Czech women’s movement prior to 1914. They do not, however, look in detail at the efforts of Anglo-Saxon women to gain political rights as reflected in Czech women’s magazines which fairly regularly brought reports on the women’s movement abroad, especially regarding political aspects, beginning in the 1890s. With increasing efforts to achieve women’s suffrage abroad, contracts grew up between the Czech movement and those abroad. There was ever more information on the situation in Britain and the USA in particular due to the long tradition of women’s efforts there to achieve their political rights. The reports were not just admiring in nature, but also critical, so the extent of their impact on the Czech movement is hard to determine. What is clear is that information from abroad contributed to a feeling of wider solidarity, leading to
PL
Podstawową kwestią przy określaniu zasady powszechności jest wskazanie kręgu osób, którym przysługuje prawo do głosowania. Jednak może być ono ograniczone przez cenzusy wyborcze. Wiek XXI przyniósł istotne wyzwania dla określenia podmiotów, które mogą korzystać z praw wyborczych, również w wyborach do organów stanowiących jednostek samorządu terytorialnego. Należy pamiętać, że świat podlega wciąż licznym procesom zmian, stąd prawo wyborcze nie może być im obojętne, tylko powinno być przez ustawodawcę dostosowywane do zmieniających się warunków, w jakich przyszło funkcjonować danym jednostkom. Autor opracowania przeanalizował istniejące rozwiązania prawne i stara się odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy obecne regulacje można uznać za optymalne, czy może istnieje potrzeba nowego określenia ograniczeń prawa wyborczego, w kontekście, procesów globalizacyjnych, których skutkiem staje się znacznie częstsze i łatwiejsze przemieszczanie się osób oraz związane z tym mieszanie się obywateli poszczególnych państw, czy też mieszkańców danych jednostek samorządu terytorialnego.
EN
The basic issue when determining the principle of universal suffrage is to indicate the group of people who shall have the right to vote. However, it may be restricted by suffrage censuses. The 21st century brought the significant challenges in determining entities that can benefit from the electoral rights, also in the elections to constitutive entities of local government units. It should be remembered that the world is still subject to the numerous processes of change. Therefore, the electoral law cannot be indifferent to it but should be adjusted by the legislator to the changing conditions in which given individuals function. The author of this study has analyzed existing legal solutions and is trying to answer the question of whether current regulations can be considered optimal, or whether there is a need for a new definition of constraints on electoral law, in the context of globalization processes that result in much more frequent and easier movement of people, and associated with this mixing of citizens of individual countries, or residents of the local government units of territorial units.
ES
El derecho al sufragio de las mujeres en el mundo occidental, y en Centroamérica en particu-lar, fue el fruto de un proceso lento, desgastante y colmado de sacrificios. Particularmente en Centroamérica, la convulsión política interna fue un problema más en el proceso. La prensa, como medio de formación de opinión pública, jugó un papel fundamental en el tema, colabo-rando y obstaculizando. El objetivo de este ensayo es analizar el papel que jugó la prensa dos semanas antes y dos después de aprobarse el derecho al voto de las mujeres en los países cen-troamericanos. Para ello se acude a los principales diarios y a las revistas feministas que circu-laron entre 1945 y 1949, años en los que se aprobó en los respectivos congresos, el derecho de las mujeres a elegir sus gobernantes. Dada la ausencia de hemerotecas digitales en los paí-ses de la región, se recurrió a las referencias periodísticas que se exponen en estudios acadé-micos publicados sobre la historia del sufragio en Centroamérica
EN
The right to suffrage of women, in the Western world and in Central America in particular, was the fruit of a slow, exhausting process and full of sacrifices. Particularly in Central Ame-rica, the internal political upheaval was another problem in the process. The press, as a means of forming public opinion, played a fundamental role in the issue, collaborating and hindering. The objective of this essay is to analyze the role played by the press two weeks before and two after the approval of women's right to vote in the Central American countries. To this end, the main newspapers and feminist magazines circulated between 1945 and 1949, years in which the right of women to elect their rulers, were approved in the respective congresses. Given the absence of digital newspaper archives in the countries of the region, the journalistic references that are exposed in published academic studies on the history of suffrage in Central America were resorted to.
EN
In the past, the exclusion of women from the election had the sociological and cultural background. Woman’s status was derived from the status of her husband. The creation of mass parties at the end of the XIXth century had turned women into attractive potential voters. At the turn of the 19th and 20th century in Polish territories, under foreign partitions, the feminist movement was just beginning. That was because the essential issue for all Polish people: both men and women, was the regaining of the independence. Polish women undertook activity in all the countries, which annexed parts of Poland, but the character and intensity of this activity depended on the character of the regime of the occupant. The Decree of the State on the electoral law, adopted on 26 November 1918, established universal suffrage, without distinction of the sexes. Granting women unconditionally full electoral rights: active and passive (different than in other countries, when women first obtained the right to vote and later – usually after years – the right to stand for election) under the mentioned Decree in 1918, was certainly a defining and monumental historical moment. Nowadays, other factors are taken into account in deciding about equality laws: underrepresentation of women in leadership positions in politics and gender gaps, which still exist.
PL
W przeszłości wykluczenie kobiet z wyborów miało podłoże socjologiczne i kulturowe. Status kobiety wywodził się ze statusu jej męża. Powstanie masowych partii politycznych pod koniec XIX w. spowodowało, że zaczęto postrzegać kobiety jako atrakcyjnych potencjalnych wyborców. Na przełomie XIX i XX w. na ziemiach polskich, pod zaborami, pojawił się ruch feministyczny. Tym niemniej zasadniczą sprawą dla wszystkich Polaków, zarówno mężczyzn, jak i kobiet, było odzyskanie niepodległości. Polki podjęły działalność we wszystkich państwach, które zaanektowały część Polski, ale charakter i intensywność tej działalności zależały od charakteru utroju państwa okupującego. Dekret o prawie wyborczym przyjęty 26 listopada 1918 r. wprowadził powszechne prawo wyborcze, bez względu na płeć. Przyznanie kobietom pełni praw wyborczych: zarówno czynnego i biernego (odmiennie niż w innych krajach, gdzie kobiety często najpierw uzyskiwały prawo głosowania, a później – zwykle po latach – prawo do kandydowania w wyborach) na podstawie wspomnianego dekretu z 1918 r., było z pewnością istotnym i przełomowym wydarzeniem. W dzisiejszych czasach inne czynniki są brane pod uwagę przy ustanawianiu przepisów dotyczących równości wyborczej: m.in niedostateczna reprezentacja kobiet na kierowniczych stanowiskach w polityce i nierówności płci, które wciąż istnieją.
EN
The author presents the rules of suffrage that were binding in Zweites Reich (The Second Reich), that is the German Empire, during elections to provincial self-government in Prussia and then compares them with the new election law implemented in the Weimar Republic (Weimarer Republik). In this way it is possible to establish the degree of potential changes that influenced the personal composition of provincial parliaments. Upon the analysis of the given lists of deputies it clearly follows that a revolution took place in Germany in November 1918: up to that time the Members of Parliament had represented the elites of the Second Reich, recruiting from, among others, aristocrats, the nobility, state administration officials, municipal elites, high mayors, mayors, other officials of municipal councils and industrialist elites. The majority of these people in Weimar Republic were replaced by party activists, which resulted from the new electoral law.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie szans i zagrożeń wynikających z realizacji głosowania przez Internet (i-voting) oraz omówienie warunków skutecznej realizacji tej alternatywnej procedury głosowania na przykładzie Estonii i Szwajcarii. Estonia jest jedynym krajem na świecie, w którym powszechnie stosuje się głosowanie i-głosowanie. Z drugiej strony w Szwajcarii ta metoda głosowania jest najczęściej stosowana, choć jej stosowanie zostało zawieszone na kilka lat ze względu na problemy prawne, infrastrukturalne i polityczne. Jakie są warunki skutecznego przeprowadzenia głosowania internetowego? Próba odpowiedzi na to pytanie badawcze była możliwa dzięki zastosowaniu metod badawczych: porównawczej, formalno-dogmatycznej, behawioralnej oraz zmodyfikowanej metody historycznej. Kluczowy wniosek jest taki, że wdrożenie internetowego głosowania musi być poprzedzone wieloletnimi działaniami politycznymi, prawnymi, infrastrukturalnymi i społecznymi, a tworzony system musi być jak najbardziej przejrzysty.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the opportunities and threats resulting from the implementation of voting via the Internet (i-voting) and to discuss the conditions for effective implementation of this alternative voting procedure on the example of Estonia and Switzerland. Estonia is the only country in the world where i-voting is widely used. In Switzerland, on the other hand, this voting method has been used most often, although its use has been suspended for several years due to legal, infrastructural and political problems. What are the conditions for successfully implementing Internet voting? The attempt to answer this research question was possible thanks to the use of the following research methods: comparative, formal-dogmatic, behavioral and modified historical method. The key conclusion is that the implementation of i-voting must be preceded by many years of political, legal, infrastructural and social activities, and that the created system must be as transparent as possible.
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