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EN
The article presents forms of social pathology that can occur in destructive cult groups belonging to the category of new religious movements – a complex and multifaceted cultural phenomenon. He discusses the problems of mass suicides in a historical context and the phenomenon of religious terrorism. These issues constitute a challenge for individual countries to take appropriate steps (legal regulations, monitoring, exchange of information at the international level), aimed at ensuring the security of citizens.
EN
Introduction and aim. The purpose of the article is to analyze the peculiarities of suicidal behavior as a result of maladjustment of servicemen to the conditions of military service in Ukraine. The tasks of the article are to identify among militaries: 1) the most significant risk factors for autoregressive and suicidal behavior; 2) the psychological peculiarities of adaptive disorders that may lead to suicide; 3) protective factors against autoregressive and suicidal behavior. Material and methods. To solve the problem of our research, a set of methods was used: theoretical methods – theoretical and methodological analysis of scientific sources, their systematization, classification, generalization; empirical methods – the observation, the interview, a questionnaire, testing, the method of expert assessments. In general 420 militaries were participated in our research. The participants of the 1st stage of the study were 240 militaries in the age 18-25 years old with suicidal and auto-aggressive behavior in anamnesis and one or more attempts of suicide. These militaries were treated in the psychiatric hospital № 1 in Kyiv (Ukraine). At the 2nd stage of the study 180 militaries were participated. They were treated in the Main Military Clinical Hospital (the Center), Kyiv, Ukraine. The research was organized during May–November, 2021. Results. We investigated that 120 militaries had various forms of post-suicidal encephalopathy, such as acute affective, non-psychotic state. The number of patients with residual psychoorganic pathology was 41 people (34.16%); after poisoning there were 37 people, the number of patients with toxic encephalopathy – 33 people (27.5%); after self-arson – 9 people, there were 4 patients (3.33%) with burn encephalopathy. We identified the following clinical variants of depressive reactions as a result of maladjustment and suicidal attempts: 1) the reaction of disadaptation in combination with neurosis-like disorders (48.9%); 2) the reaction of maladjustment including hypochondriacal inclusions (in 23.4% of cases of respondents); 3) maladaptive reactions with an anxious component were observed in 28.6% of cases. Conclusion. It was shown that the suicidal behavior of soldiers depended on many external and internal risk factors. We showed protective factors against autoregressive and suicidal behavior.
EN
For centuries, funeral law was not too favourable to suicides. Admittedly, at the dawn of Christianity this group of the deceased was not refused religious funeral celebrations or a burial, yet, the situation changed along with the Catholic religion gaining significance. At the beginning of the Middle Ages, suicides were deprived of the right to a religious funeral. Furthermore, in the 11th century the ecclesiastical legislator forbade burial for suicides in “holy places.” Until modern times, therefore, suicides were buried at a distance from grave- yards. This in practice often indicated a burial insulting human dignity. The monopoly on religious funeral regulations only ended in Europe at the end of the 18th century, when state authorities took an interest in funeral law. On Polish soil, the more enlightened regulations of the Partitioners were enforced in the 19th century. In addition, the Act on burying the de¬ceased passed in 1932 led to the necessary standardization of provisions of national funeral law, while the binding provisions of the Act on cemeteries of 1959 provided equality of rights for the deceased in the access to a place of burial at a cemetery. Finally, in the second half of the 20th century, the ecclesiastical legislator introduced amendments to the Canon Law al- lowing (in certain instances) a Catholic funeral for a suicide. The liberalization of the Canon Law provisions, therefore, exemplifies wider transformations in the spirit of the conciliar aggiornamento
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EN
Violence in the Polish Army in the Interwar Period Physical and psychological violence was noted in the Polish Army prior to 1939, especially in the cavalry, artillery and infantry. Superiors harassed their subordinates, junior soldiers harassed conscripts. Out of despair, soldiers committed suicide, self-injured or deserted. This pathological phenomenon was the object of active concern for the army command, which realised that the situation endangered the stable functioning of the army.
EN
Fyodor Dostoyevsky’s suicide victims — an attempt towards atypology Anatural death is arare phenomenon in Dostoyevsky’s works — he hardly ever refers to it. Yet, suicides and attempted suicides are the core topics in all his works along with murders, mental illnesses and various aberrations he seems to be obsessed with. The present article is an attempt towards atypology of Dostoyevsky’s suicide victims. The following five categories of suicides have been identified and described: egoistic suicide victim, fatalistic suicide victim, ‘calculated’ suicide victim, escapist suicide victim and spiritual suicide victim.
RU
Самоубийцы в творчестве Фёдора Достоевского — попытка типологии Фёдор Достоевский редко в своём творчестве изображает естественную смерть, он едва её фиксирует. Зато самоубийства и попытки самоубийства плотно заполняют мир про­изведений писателя, создавая — наряду с убийствами, психическими болезнями ивсяки­ми отклонениями от нормального состояния — стержень его обсессивных тем. Настоящая статья является попыткой классификации самоубийц в творчестве Достоевского. Выде­лены и охарактеризованы пять типов самоубийц: самоубийца балансово-эгоистический, самоубийца логический, самоубийца фаталистический, самоубийца эскапический и само­убийца духовный.
EN
The article describes the social and legal aspects of school relations, focusing on the actions influencing the increasing number of suicides among children. At the outset, the authors depicted the international, constitutional and statutory regulations considering the principals’ and teachers’ duties in ensuring students’ safety. Afterwards, some of the research about bullying in schools has been described. The next part is focused on a juvenile, criminal and disciplinary responsibility of the mentioned persons. In the final part, the authors depicted solutions which could stave off the featured problem and propose de lege ferenda postulates. The conclusions highlight the multidimensionality of the childrens’ suicides’ problem.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy społecznych i prawnych aspektów koncentrujących się wokół relacji szkolnych w kontekście pełnienia przez nie funkcji czynnika sprzyjającego zwiększaniu się liczby samobójstw wśród dzieci. Na wstępie zarysowano kształt unormowań prawnomiędzynarodowych, konstytucyjnych i ustawowych, dotyczących bezpieczeństwa uczniów oraz statuujących obowiązki dyrektorów i nauczycieli, jak też opisano wybrane badania na temat skali zjawiska bullyingu ze strony rówieśników w szkołach. Następnie sklasyfikowano i przeanalizowano następstwa niektórych czynów wymienionych osób pod względem powstającej odpowiedzialności na gruncie ustawy o postępowaniu w sprawach nieletnich, a także karnej i dyscyplinarnej. W dalszej części opracowania przedstawiono rozwiązania mogące zniwelować opisywany problem, jak również sformułowano postulaty de lege ferenda. We wnioskach podkreślono wielowymiarowość badanego zjawiska.
EN
  From the years 1945-1946 down to the present moment Polish police statistics have undergone a number of transformations and improvements concerning the collection of data, their elaboration, as well as the scope of the information collected. Judging on the basis of data coming from the years 1956-1957, about 90 per cent of the criminal cases made over to the law-courts with an indictment went through the hands of the police. The majority of the remaining 10 per cent of cases were dealt with direct by the Public Prosecutor’s Office (cases for a great variety of serious offences) or else by certain administrative organs (cases of minor forest thefts, tax offences, minor frauds in commerce, and a few others). In this way, police statistics may be considered as a source which makes it possible to form a relatively full picture of the offences brought to light in Poland. Certain transformations have also been undergone by the problem of the statistical unit accepted by police statistics. While previously (down to 1956-1957) such a unit was a criminal case (which might comprise a larger number of them), at present such a unit, in principle, consist of one offence. By offences, in police statistics, are understood felonies or misdemeanors, i.e. acts dealt with by the 1932 Criminal Code, still in force, or by special penal statutes, and for which the penalty is over three months custody or a fine of over 4500 zlotys. The statistical material contained in the present contribution has not been published so far, apart from the basic information provided by the Statistical Year-Books for the years 1956, 1957, and 1958. The number of the population of Poland increased from about 27 000 000 to 29 000 000 during the 1954 to 1958 period, while the number of city and town dwellers increased from about 11 300 000 to 13 500 000, and that of  village dwellers decreased from 15 700 000 to 15 500 000 in the same period. In the course of the above-mentioned period, therefore, the number of offences known to the police increased by 35 per cent, but the rate of delinquency, in connection with a certain increase in the total number of the population, increased only by 27 per cent. In the period preceding the Second World War, in the years 1927 to 1937, the number of offences brought to light every year was considerably larger (in 1934 as many as 658 thousand were registered, and in the years 1935 to 1937 nearly 600 thousand per annum); the rate of delinquency was expressed by the following coefficients: in 1934 - 2000, in 1935 - 1770, in 1936 - 1760, and in 1937 - 1710. The magnitude of delinquency in the years 1954 to 1958 differed considerably as between the territories of the several voivodeships. The highest rate of delinquency could be observed in the voivodeships of the Western Territories, with the exception of the voivodeship of Opole (in the several years of the period under investigation coefficients oscillated between 1450 and 2130), in the two largest cities: Warsaw (2470 b 2760) and Łódź (1590 to 1970), as well as in the most highly industrialized and urbanized region of the country' formed by the voivodeship of Katowice (1400 to 1680). Nearly one-third of all the offences known to the police were committed on the territory of a mere three voivodeships (those of Katowice, Wrocław, and the City of Warsaw), which contain rather over one-fifth of the country's population. The offences brought to tight by the police have been divided into four groups according to their kind: group I consists of offences against property, group II - of economic offences, group III – of offences against life and health, and group IV – of all the other offences. Offences against property, which comprise the accaparation of social property, thefts of individual property, robberies, frauds, forgeries, and damage to property, in 1954 and 1955 constituted about 70 per cent of all the offences brought to light (the number of such offences known to the police in these years was 214 470 and 238 911 respectively), in 1956 and 1957 about 65 per cent (241 543 and 261 621 offences respectively), and in 1958 about 60 per cent (251 788 offences). Their rate, in the years 1954 to 1958, was expressed by the figure of from 780 to 920 offences per 100 000 of the population.   In the 1954 to 1958 period, approximately 91 000 to 124 000 offences of accaparating social property were brought to light annually, while their number kept continually increasing down to 1957; in 1958 about 117 000 of them were made known to the police. It is a generally known and emphasized fact that the size of the obscure figure is particularly big with offences against property. It is to be presumed that this obscure figure is most conspicuous in the case of offences against social property. Among the offences against social property between 11 000 and 15 000 were burglaries. Out of a total of 11 989 of such offenses brought to light in 1958, 24 per cent were committed in the country (so that there were 188 of them for each 100 000 village dwellers), and 76 per cent - in the cities and towns (there were 679 of them per 100 000 of the population). According to the size of the cities and towns, the coefficients which depict the number of burglaries per 100 000 of the population assumed the following proportions: towns of up to 50 thousand inhabitants - 622, from 50 to 100 thousand inhabitants - 651, 100 to 200 thousand inhabitants - 676, and over 200 thousand inhabitants - 810. During the 1954 to 1958 period an approximate annual figure of from 111 000 to 131 000 thefts of individual property was known to the police, but as from 1955 their number diminished from year to year reaching the figure of 112 883 in 1958. Of the latter offences, 31 per cent were committed in the country (coefficient: 230), and 69 per cent in the cities and towns (coefficient:580). In the case of theft of individual property there was also a dependence between the size of the towns and the rate of such offences: in towns with a population below 50 thousand it was expressed by a coefficient of 470, in towns of between 50 and 100 thousand inhabitants - 720, from 100 to 200 thousand inhabitants - 620, over 200 thousand inhabitants - 750. Thefts of individual property with burglary amounted to 11 577 in 1958 (and their number has kept decreasing from year to year, starting from 1955, when 18 455 of them were known to the police. 13 per cent of them have been committed in the country (coefficient 154), and 87 per cent in the cities and towns (coefficient 689). According to the size of the towns, going from the smallest to the largest, the coefficients showing the rate of such offences were expressed in the following figures in 1958: 397, 918, 929 and 1067. If we count together the accaparation of social property and thefts of individual property and treat them jointly as thefts, it would appear that in the years 1954 to 1958 from 200 000 to 245 000 such offences were made known to the police every year; their rate was expressed by the figure of from 750 to 860 per 100 000 of the population. In the years 1954 to 1957 from 3000 to 4000 forgeries were known to the police every year; their number has tremendously increased in 1958, reaching the very figure of 6300 (i.e. 217 per 100 000 of the population). The number of robberies brought to light by the police amounted to 2066 in 1954 (coefficient:76), 2503 in 1955 (coefficient: 91), 2905 in 1956 (coefficient: 103), 3185 in 1957 (coefficient: 112), and 2503 in 1958 (coefficient: 89). The decrease in the number of such offences recorded in 1958 is estimated as connected with a real decrease in their number. Of the total of robberies known to the police in 1958, 35 per cent were committed in the country (thus there were 46 of them per 100 000 of the population), and 65 in the cities and towns (138 per 100 000 of the urban population). According to the size of the towns (from the smallest to the largest) the coefficients depicting the rate of robberies committed there looked as follows: 85, 141, 194, 213. The number  of  cases of receiving stolen goods has considerably increased within the 1954 to 1958 period, from 816 in 1954 (coefficient: 32), to 1880 in 1958 (coefficient: 65). Group Two of offences, described by the name of economic offences, has been made to include cases of speculation, corruption and neglect of duty by civil servants resulting in damage to the State economy, further, Treasury offences, and currency offences. In the years 1954 to 1957 from 36 000 to 40 000 such offences were known to the police every year; in 1958 their number has considerably increased, probably in connection with a greater diligence in prosecuting them, and amounted to as many as 53 579 (coefficient: 190). Group Three - that of offences against life and health - comprises: murder and manslaughter, infanticides, inflicting grievous injury to the body, and brawls. The total number of such offences has very considerably increased in the years 1954 to 1958, namely from 18 583 in 1954 (coefficient: 70) to 28 910 in 1958 (coefficient: 100), i.e. by about 60 per cent. Their share among all the offences recorded by the police has increased from 13 per cent in 1954 to 21 per cent in 1958. In the years 1954 to 1958 from 700 to 900 murders and manslaughters were recorded annually; in 1958 803 of them were known to the police, of which 620 were carried out and 183 attempted. Consequently there were 28 such offences per 100 000 of the population that year. In 1937 3 314 murders and manslaughters were recorded, i.e. 96 per 100 000 of the population. The number of infanticides recorded by the police did not go beyond the figure of 90 per year (in 1958 there were 75 such cases). In 1937 802 infanticides were brought to light. The number of recorded cases of inflicting grievous injury to the body and of participation in a brawl (with using a dangerous tool or else if death or grievous injury to the body were the result) has very considerably increased in the years 1954 to 1958 from 5 508 in 1954 (coefficient: 204) to 10 005 in 1958 (coefficient: 346). In 1954 6146 cases of inflicting serious or very serious injury to the body were known to the police (coefficient: 227), in 1958 – 8 350 (coefficient: 289). In 1954 6123 cases of inflicting slight bodily harm were record ed (coefficient: 227), and in 1958 _ 9677 (coefficient: 335). Of the offences included in Group Four particularly noteworthy are the offences against morality. In 1958 969 cases of rape were recorded; 901 cases of immoral acts with juveniles under 15 years of age, and 290 cases of abetting to prostitution and deriving profits therefrom. In the Polish text, the present contribution is supplemented with an annex which provides the more important items of the information collected by the police concerning road accidents, suicides, and prostitution.
PL
Teoria społeczeństwa ryzyka łączy upadek społeczeństwa przemysłowego z pojawieniem się zagrożeń pozazmysłowych i zmianą priorytetów politycznych. Unikanie zagrożeń stało się znaczącym problemem życia politycznego. W myśl teorii społeczeństwa ryzyka upadkowi społeczeństwa przemysłowego towarzyszy wzrost napięć psychicznych. W efekcie przeprowadzonych analiz okazało się, że w społeczeństwie ryzyka odnotowano znacznie mniej zaburzeń psychicznych niż wynikałoby to ze statystyk medycznych. Wraz z zanikiem społeczeństw przemysłowych współczynniki samobójstw wykazywały trend spadkowy. Społeczeństwo ryzyka jest produktem zmian gospodarczych i kulturalnych, i przejawia się w nowej orientacji opinii publicznej i poprzez wzrost popytu na bezpieczeństwo.
EN
The theory of risk society connects the fall of industrial society with grows of non sensual threatens and changes of political priorities. The different kinds of risks and avoidance of them became new topics of political life. Some of the prominent theorists of the theory of risk society have claimed that the fall of industrialsociety is accompanied by an increase in mental tensions, because of growth of threatens. In order to verify these theses the model of risk society was constructed. It turned out that there are probably much fewer mental disorders than evidenced by medical statistics. Asthe industrial societies have vanished, the coefficients of suicides showed a declining trend. The risk society is the product of economic and cultural changes and manifests itself in new orientation of public opinion and growth of demand for safety.
EN
Suicide – calling for help, cry of despair, incomprehension, shock and a question `Why? Why did not he want to live, why did not he ask for help, why did not we notice anything?' Death by suicide is always an immense shock for the family, acquaintances and the closest environment. It is the act of incomprehension of the causes and reasons for taking their own lives. When we hear of suicides we tend to focus on people who committed suicide and forget about those who were left with the unanswered question `Why?' In most cases we ponder on the suffering of the person who committed suicide, on their motivation and an inexplicable choice of death and we forget about the relatives who have to face the suicide of a close person, struggle with loss, sorrow and despair. Family in mourning very often cannot handle the loss of a close relative and need some outside help because they either cannot rely on help from the family or friends or it is insufficient. We often do not know how to behave in the face of death, how to help people in mourning to accept the loss and come back to social and family life which goes on regardless of anything. Social work should become an answer to the needs of families in mourning and especially the ones that faced suicidal death. The article is an attempt to present methods and actions that a social worker can and should undertake while working with a grieving family. It points out the need for complete and professional prepa­ration of a social worker. Social work with a client who has experienced the suicide of a close person necessitates a complete and professional action based on knowledge, intuition and also experience.
PL
Samobójstwo – wołanie o pomoc, krzyk rozpaczy, niezrozumienie, szok i pytanie: Dlaczego? Dlaczego nie chciał żyć, dlaczego nie prosił o pomoc, dlaczego nic nie zauważyliśmy? Śmierć samobójcza jest zawsze wielkim szokiem dla rodziny, znajomych i najbliższego środowiska; aktem niezrozumienia przyczyn i powodów odebrania sobie życia. Słysząc o samobójstwach, najczęściej zatrzymujemy się nad osobami, które odebrały sobie życie, często zapominając o tych, którzy pozostali z tym pytaniem: Dlaczego? W większości przypadków zasta­nawiamy się nad cierpieniem osoby, która popełniła samobójstwo, nad jej motywacjami i niezrozumiałym dla nas wyborem śmierci, zapominając jednocześnie o tych, którzy zmuszeni zmierzyć się z samobójczą śmiercią osoby bliskiej, walczą ze stratą, żalem i smutkiem. Rodzina pogrążona w żałobie bardzo często nie radzi sobie ze stratą bliskiej osoby, potrzebuje wówczas pomocy z zewnątrz, ponieważ wsparcie najbliższych bądź przyjaciół jest niewystarczające lub nie można na nie liczyć. Często nie wiemy, jak się zachować w obliczu śmierci, jak pomóc ludziom przeżywającym żałobę, aby w sposób spokojny pogodzili się ze stratą i mogli powrócić do życia społecznego i rodzinnego, które bez względu na wszystko, toczy się dalej własnym biegiem. Praca socjalna powinna stać się odpowiedzią na potrzebę pracy z rodziną w żałobie, a zwłaszcza z tą rodziną, na krótej śmierć miała charakter samobójczy. Artykuł jest próbą ukazania potrzeby pełnego i profesjonalnego przygotowania pracownika do zadań związanych z pomocą rodzinie w trudnych sytuacjach życiowych, zwłaszcza ze wsparciem w obliczu śmierci jednego z jej członków. Czas żałoby powinien być czasem trwania pracownika z klientem, czasem rozmów i profesjonalnych działań mających na celu pomoc w powrocie do normalnego funkcjonowania i nauki życia bez osoby bliskiej. Ale jak żyć, ze świadomością, że najbliższa nam osoba wybrała śmierć?
PL
Według danych WHO Japonia pod względem statystycznym jest jednym z państw o najwyższej liczbie samobójstw. Od wielu lat liczba przypadków samobójstw przekraczała trzydzieści tysięcy, aż do odnotowania spadku tej liczby po­niżej dwudziestu ośmiu tysięcy w 2012 r. Rząd Japonii przeznacza duże nakłady z budżetu wspierając kampanie mające zapobiegać samobójstwom. Gatekeeper to jedna z kampanii przeciwko samobójstwom mająca na celu edukację wolonta­riuszy oraz poszerzenie świadomości i wrażliwości społecznej, oparta na metodzie opracowanej przez Betty A. Kitchener i Anthony'ego F. Jorm'a z Australii. W ramach szeroko promowanej kampanii w Japonii zaangażowanych jest wielu zna­nych japońskich aktorów, piosenkarzy, piłkarzy, tworzone są filmy instruktażowe, spoty, wydawane są płyty DVD, ulotki, plakaty. Celem pracy jest przybliżenie mechanizmu kampanii Gatekeeper i innych, podobnych inicjatyw promowanych w Japonii, a także wskazanie ich wpływu na tamtejszą politykę społeczną i zmianę w postrzeganiu samobójstw, które do niedawna nie były uznawane za zjawisko negatywne.
EN
According to the WHO's statistic data Japan is one of the countries with the highest number of suicides. For many years, the number of suicides in Japan exceeded thirty thousand until the number decreased a little to below twenty-eight thousand in 2012. The Japanese government has allocated a large budget to support campaigns to prevent suicides. "Ga­tekeeper" is one of the anti-suicide campaigns designed to educate volunteers and broaden social awareness and sensi- tivity, based on the method developed by Betty A. Kitchener and Anthony F. Jorm from Australia. As part of a campaign promoted in Japan involved many famous Japanese actors, singers, football players, there created instructional videos, spots, publicized DVDs, flyers, posters. The aim of this work is to present a mechanism of "Gatekeeper" campaign and similar initiatives promoted in Japan, their impact on social policy in Japan and change in views on suicides, which were not considered as something negative until recently.
EN
Modal personality in period of industrial capitalism was focused on fulfilling obligations, whereas the new economy more often refers to self-fulfillment needs. The fall of industrial society is accompanied by an increase in mental tensions and the number of psychiatric advices. There are probably much fewer mental disorders than evidenced by medical statistics. As the industrial societies vanished, the coefficients of suicides showed a declining trend. The personality changes are heading towards further individualization and growing importance of self–fulfillment, thus according with the logic of development of the new economy. Hence, the development of personality precedes the economic change.
PL
Osobowość modalna okresu kapitalizmu przemysłowego ukierunkowana była na wywią- zanie się z powinności. Nowa gospodarka w coraz większym stopniu odwołuje się do potrzeb samorealizacyjnych. Destrukcja społeczeństwa przemysłowego wiąże się ze zwiększeniem napięć psychicznych i porad psychiatrycznych. Realna dolegliwość napięć psychicznych jest prawdopodobnie znacznie mniejsza, niżby to wynikało ze statystyk medycznych. Wraz z destrukcją społeczeństwa przemysłowego współczynniki samobójstw wykazują tendencję malejącą. Zmiany osobowościowe, towarzyszące ekspansji gospodarki opartej na wiedzy idą w kierunku dalszej indywidualizacji i wzrostu znaczenia samorealizacji i są zgodne z logiką rozwoju nowej gospodarki. Zmiany osobowościowe poprzedzają zmiany gospodarcze.
RU
До сих пор распространено мнение, что пси- хически больными бывают только люди, и это отличает нас от других видов. Интерес к психическим расстройствам животных в 21 веке среди представителей гуманитарных наук можно рассматривать с точки зрения постгуманизма и animal turn – «поворота в сторону животных», поскольку он пересекает еще одну границу между миром людей и миром животных. В статье обсуждаются наиболее распространенные психические расстройства, диагностируемые у домашних и у содержащихся в неволе живот- ных, приведены примеры неэтичных экспериментов на животных в области психологии и кратко представлен феномен зависимости и самоубийства животных. В своих выводах автор подчеркивает, что, хотя при изучении психических расстройств у существ из мира животных можно и нужно проводить аналогии с расстройствами, встречающимися у людей, главной целью должно оставаться исследование психики существ из мира животных.
EN
It is still widely believed that only people can be mentally ill, and that this trait distinguishes us from other species. The interest of 21st-century scholars representing the humanities in the issue of animal mental disorders can be studied from the perspective of posthumanism and the animal turn, in that it means crossing another line between the “human” and the “non-human.” In her article, Magdalena Kozhevnikova highlights the most common mental disorders diagnosed in pets and captive animals, provides examples of unethical animal experiments in psychology, and briefly discusses the phenomenon of animal addiction and suicide. Her findings allow her to emphasize that, while analogies to mental disorders in humans can and should be used in the study of mental disorders in non-human animals, their primary goal of animal research ought to be to study the psyche of non-human animals.
PL
W powszechnej opinii wciąż jeszcze utrzymuje się przekonanie, że tylko ludzie chorują psychicznie i że to wyróżnia nas spośród innych gatunków zwierząt. Zainteresowanie przedstawicieli nauk humanistycznych zaburzeniami psychicznymi zwierząt w XXI wieku można rozpatrywać w perspektywie posthumanizmu i animal turn, jest to bowiem przekraczanie jeszcze jednej granicy tego, co „ludzkie” i „nie-ludzkie”. W artykule omówiono najczęstsze zaburzenia psychiczne diagnozowane u zwierząt towarzyszących i zniewolonych, podano przykłady nieetycznych eksperymentów z dziedziny psychologii dokonanych na zwierzętach oraz krótko zaprezentowano fenomen uzależnień i samobójstw zwierząt. We wnioskach podkreślono, że choć w badaniu zaburzeń psychicznych nie-ludzkich zwierząt można i powinno się czynić analogie do zaburzeń występujących u ludzi, to celem nadrzędnym takich badań powinno być zgłębienie wiedzy o psychice nie-ludzkich zwierząt.
EN
The aim of the article to present the role of analysing the manner of generating fingermarks in the investigative proceedings. These examinations are based on the analysis of the location of the marks on a given background and aim at providing the requesting party additional information about the circumstances of the investigated incident. The Author refers to two unusual cases, in which Voivodeship Police Command Forensic Laboratory issued expert opinions in the area of fingerprint identification. In the first case, at the initial stage of the proceedings the circumstances and recovered evidential fingermarks indicated a fatal accident or manslaughter by means of a firearm. In the other case at the preliminary stage recovered evidence did not allow identification of the perpetrator due to incorrectly selected exhibits. These cases would not be off special interest to us without the significant role of proper recovering of fingermarks and their analysis in a broader context than just identification.
PL
Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie roli badań w zakresie mechanizmu powstania śladów daktyloskopijnych dla prowadzonych postępowań. Badania te bazują na analizie usytuowania śladów na badanym podłożu, czego efektem jest dostarczenie zleceniodawcy dodatkowych informacji na temat okoliczności analizowanego zdarzenia. W treści przywołano dwie nietypowe sprawy, w których w Laboratorium Kryminalistycznym Komendy Wojewódzkiej Policji w Łodzi wydano opinie z zakresu badań daktyloskopijnych. W pierwszym przypadku we wstępnym etapie postępowania okoliczności sprawy oraz zabezpieczony materiał dowodowy w postaci śladów daktyloskopijnych wskazywały na śmiertelny nieszczęśliwy wypadek bądź zabójstwo przy użyciu broni palnej. W drugim przypadku zabezpieczony materiał dowodowy we wstępnym etapie badań nie pozwalał na zidentyfikowanie sprawcy zabójstwa z uwagi na źle wytypowany materiał badawczy. Przypadki te nie byłyby interesujące, gdyby nie wskazano na znaczącą rolę prawidłowego zabezpieczenia śladów daktyloskopijnych oraz ich analizę w szerszym kontekście aniżeli tylko badania identyfikacyjne.
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Eutanazie a klasický hedonismus

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EN
The overall aim of the article “Hedonism and Euthanasia” is to illustrate the complex interplay between hedonism as a theory of welfare and the problem of the rationality of suicide, assisted suicide and euthanasia. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, it provides a succinct description of hedonism culminating in the definition of standard hedonism. The second part deals with the problem of whether death can in some (exceptional) circumstances represent a rationally justifiable choice. The third and final part combines consequentialism with standard hedonism, obtaining standard utilitarianism, and sets forth a straightforward argument for the conclusion that assisted death might be an ethically acceptable (even obligatory) choice. However, hedonism is shown to be an inadequate theory of good life and, consequently, the ethical argument for assisted death is rejected.
CS
Hlavním cílem článku Hedonismus a eutanazie je ilustrovat komplexní vztahy mezi hédonismem jako teorií welfare a problémem racionality sebeusmrcení, asistovaného sebeusmrcení a eutanazie. Článek je rozdělený na tři části. První část přináší stručný popis hédonismu a vrcholí definicí standardního hédonismu. Druhá část se věnuje problému, zda smrt může v některých (výjimečných) situacích představovat racionálně ospravedlnitelnou volbu. Třetí a konečná část spojuje konsekvencialismus s tradičním hédonismem do standardního utilitarismu a předkládá přímý argument ve prospěch závěru, že asistovaná smrt může být eticky přijatelnou (dokonce povinnou) volbou. Ukazuje však, že hédonismus není adekvátní teorií dobrého života, a proto nakonec etický argument ve prospěch asistované smrti odmítá.
PL
Artykuł ukazuje skutki załamania się tradycyjnych religijnych i magicznych wartości związanych z produkcją rolniczą, szczególnie z „tworzeniem chleba”. Praca uwzględnia zintegrowane podejście do produkcji żywności, kultury wsi i codziennego życia określonych kategorii jej mieszkańców. Na tym tle ukazuje wpływ procesów globalizacji i modernizacji jako czynnika destruktywnego w stosunku do kultury tradycyjnej. Procesy te często powodują głęboką „traumę” społeczno-kulturową, której wskaźnikiem może być ilość samobójstw wśród niektórych kategorii ludności chłopskiej.
EN
This paper is a part of author’s wider consideration problems of ties between nature, crafting and society. The work shows effects and results of collapse of traditional religious and magic values concerning agricultural products, especially the bread. The paper deals an integrated approach connecting food production of peasant farms with culture and everyday life of particular categories of country people. Today however, especially under the influence of globalization processes, there is a strong need for an integration glance and perception of the issue, mainly appropriate to the past role of traditional “strong values”. The special painful problem is a “deep trauma” of contemporary transformation of peasant communities. A strong indicator of this is number of committed suicides within some categories of peasant.
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