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Few aspects regarding the supremacy of the Romanian Constitution

100%
Puran A., Andreescu M.
Studia Prawnicze: rozprawy i materiały
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2020
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issue 1(26)
79-87
EN
The scientific basis of the supremacy of the Constitution is an important issue of the practice and theory of constitutionality. This preoccupation is related to the role of the Constitution in the normative system, in the hierarchization of the norms, as well as to the place of the constitutional law in the legal system. The supremacy of Constitution has as main consequence the compliance of entire law with the constitutional norms. Guaranteeing of the observance of this principle is essential for the rule of law, is primarily an attribute of the Constitutional Court of Romania, but also an obligation of the legislator to receive by texts adopted, within its content and form, the constitutional norms.
2

Pojęcie tyranii w myśli średniowiecza

75%
Łuszczyńska M.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2014
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vol. 36
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issue 1
7 - 22
EN
The aim of the article is to show different aspects of the problem of tyranny. The issue of worthy and unworthy power is connected with the idea of the right of resistance and the issue of legal and moral aspects of tyrannicide. The article highlights the ideas of common wealth and the relation between the statutory law and the law of nature which were characteristic for the whole medieval thought. It underlines the differences connected with the interpretation of the idea of supremacy and the issue of divine prerogative which the person in power was entitled to. The article analyses the notion of “tyranny,” its different types, especially in the aspect of gaining power (tyranny a titulo and tyranny ab exercitio) and exercising it (“soft” and “hard” tyranny).
3

“Is This Really What I Voted For?” – On The Legitimacy Of European Integration

75%
Kerikmäe T., Nyman-Metcalf K., Papageorgiou I.
Baltic Journal of Law & Politics
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2013
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vol. 6
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issue 1
45-62
EN
This paper discusses the problems and dangers of proceeding with European integration without facing a transparent constitutional debate. The crucial issue demanding clarity is whether the current integration in the form of the EU shall be seen within the framework and concepts of public international law or within those of constitutional law. The authors argue that more intensive integration cannot be achieved on the basis of undermining rule of law and democracy by vacillating between different international law or constitutional law models of proceeding without taking any clear standpoint.
4

National sovereignty and lawmaking

75%
Morostes A. F., Stoicu N. M., Gherlea C. D.
Journal of Legal Studies
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2016
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vol. 17
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issue 31
77-83
EN
A democratic state involves the existence of a fundamental Law which expressly states values and democratic principles that are universally, internationally and regionally recognized. Specialized literature has shown that the mission of the modern state can only be fulfilled by a public power that is its essential characteristic, namely, through sovereignty [1]. The connection between sovereignty and political power is reflected in the complex relationships between the principle of separation and balance of powers, rule of law, political pluralism and state institutions and organizations.
5
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Prezydenckie zwierzchnictwo nad siłami zbrojnymi w Polsce po 1989 roku

63%
Banaś M.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2016
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issue 1 (29)
41-61
PL
Podstawowym celem rozważań podjętych w niniejszym artykule jest rozpoznanie i przeanalizowanie zmian, jakim po 1989 r. ulegała w Polsce forma oraz praktyka prezydenckiego zwierzchnictwa nad siłami zbrojnymi. Dokonane ustalenia umożliwiły odpowiedź na następujące pytania badawcze: (1) jakim przeobrażeniom ulegały uprawnienia prezydenta w zakresie zwierzchnictwa nad siłami zbrojnym? (2) jak zmieniała się ich praktyka po 1989 r.? (3) oraz jaki wpływ na prezydenckie zwierzchnictwo nad armią miała praktyka polityczna? Dzięki temu zweryfikowana została hipoteza, która zakładała, że choć o przeobrażeniach i formie prezydenckiego zwierzchnictwa nad siłami zbrojnymi decydowały zmiany powszechnie obowiązującego prawa, to jednak istotne znaczenie w tym obszarze miała również praktyka polityczna, która determinowała rzeczywisty udział piastuna urzędu głowy państwa w zarządzaniu armią.
EN
The primary purpose of considerations undertaken in this article is to identify and analyse the changes of the form and practice of presidential supremacy over the armed forces in Poland after 1989. Thanks to the findings of these consideration the author answered the following research questions: (1) how did presidential powers in the field of the supremacy over armed force change after 1989 (2) how did their practice change? (3) what influence did political practice have on presidential supremacy over armed forces? Thanks to the answers to these question the following hypothesis was verified: although about transformations and form of presidential supremacy over armed forces were de- termined by changes in the Constitution, very important in this area was also political practice, which decided about real participation of holder of the presidential office in the army management. Considerations have been divided into three parts, which describe the form and the practice of presidential supremacy over the armed forces during the functioning of: the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1952 (amended Constitution of the Polish People’s Republic), Constitutional Law of 17 October 1992 on the Mutual Relations be- tween the Legislative and Executive of the Republic of Poland and local government, as well as the Polish Constitution of 1997. The conclusions of were presented at the end.
6
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Meandry w kwestii cywilnej kontroli nad Siłami Zbrojnymi w RP po 1989 roku

45%
Trejnis Z.
Studia Orientalne
|
2022
|
issue 4(24)
9-39
RU
В статье представлены соображения и мнения о соблюдении конституционных принципов, связанных с вопросом гражданского и демократического контроля над вооруженными силами после 1989 года в Польше. Контроль, верховенство или надзор гражданских властей над органами насилия являются одной из самых больших проблем, стоящих перед демократическим государством. Гражданский контроль над вооруженными силами сегодня имеет особое значение, поскольку НАТО признало его необходимым условием членства. Цель статьи – ответить на вопрос – как каждая сторона воспринимает свою роль и какую функцию она выполняет в плане контроля, верховенства и надзора – от общественного уважения и популярности, которыми пользуется тот или иной политик, политический институт или вооруженные силы к административным или политическим способностям правящих политиков. Гражданский контроль также должен быть принят военными командирами, а также политическими лидерами, находящимися у власти, и должен основываться на институциональных и правовых нормах, принятых в данной стране, и опыте членов НАТО. Вооруженные силы должны служить государству, защищать его независимость, безопасность и территориальную целостность, а потому оставаться политически нейтральными, а не избранным политическим (партиям) или социальным группам. В связи с тем, что не существует одна модель функционирования вооруженных сил или системы контроля над ними, существуют только общие правила, необходимые для обеспечения демократического и гражданского контроля над вооруженными силами в государстве.
EN
The article presents considerations and opinions on the observance of constitutional principles related to civil and democratic control over the armed forces after 1989 in Poland. The control, supremacy, and supervision of the civil authorities over the organs of violence are one of the greatest challenges a democratic state must face. Civilian control of the military is vital today, as NATO has made it a prerequisite for membership. The article aims to present a research problem and answer the question – how each side perceives its role and what function it fulfils in terms of control, authority, and supervision – from the public respect and popularity enjoyed by a given politician, political institution, or armed forces to the administrative or political abilities of the ruling politicians. Civilian control should also be accepted by military commanders and political leaders in power and result from the institutional and legal regulations adopted in a given country and the experience of NATO members. The armed forces are to serve the state, protect its independence, security, and territorial integrity, and therefore maintain political neutrality, not selected political groups (parties) or society. Since there is no uniform model or system of control over the military, there are only common principles necessary to guarantee democratic and civilian control over the armed forces in the state.
7
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Status umów międzynarodowych w rosyjskim prawie konstytucyjnym

38%
Micińska-Bojarek M.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2016
|
issue 5 (33)
223-236
PL
Umowy międzynarodowe są istotnym elementem stabilizującym międzynarodowy po- rządek prawny oraz stosunki Rosji z innymi krajami. Granicząc z 14 państwami i będąc aktywnym politycznie członkiem kilkudziesięciu organizacji międzynarodowych, Rosja staje się stroną ogromnej ilości umów i porozumień międzynarodowych zawieranych tak między państwami, jak i organizacjami międzynarodowymi. W kwietniu 1986 r. ZSRR ratyfikował Konwencję wiedeńską o prawie traktatów z 22 maja 1969 r. Po przemianach ustrojowych Federacja Rosyjska (FR) jako sukce- sorka ZSRR określiła status umów międzynarodowych w Konstytucji z 12 grudnia 1993 r., w federalnej ustawie z 15 lipca 1995 r. o umowach międzynarodowych Fede- racji Rosyjskiej oraz w federalnej ustawie konstytucyjnym o Sądzie Konstytucyjnym Federacji Rosyjskiej.
EN
International agreements are an important element stabilizing the international law and Russia’s relations with other countries. Bordering with 14 countries and being a politically active member of several dozen international organizations, Russia is a party to the vast number of contracts and international agreements concluded between countries as well as international organizations. In April 1986, the Soviet Union ratified the Vienna Convention on the Law of Tre- aties of 22 May 1969. After the changes in the political system, the Russian Federation as the successor to the Soviet Union defined the status of international agreements in the Constitution of 12 December 1993 in the Federal Law of 15 July 1995 on the international treaties of the Russian Federation and the Federal Constitutional Law on the Con- stitutional Court of the Russian Federation. The purpose of this article is to present the status of international agreements of the Russian Federation, in particular the primacy of international law over national laws – in the light of Federal Constitutional Law, case law and the doctrine, including latest changes in the Law on the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation of December 2015.
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