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EN
This text is devoted to the Political Parties Archive [Archiwum Partii Politycznych; http://archiwumpartiipolitycznych.pl] in the Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences. The archive has been in operation since 1993 and is presently undergoing reorganization, which chiefly consists in digitalization. The author presents the idea behind the archive, its history, the classification of its resources, and above all, the information that can be found in it. The collected materials (printed, visual, online) provide information not only about the political parties currently operating in Poland (program documents, election campaigns, participation in social and political life) but also information on the period of systemic transformation and the formation of the democratic system from its beginnings, when opposition political circles in the Polish People’s Republic were working on plans for the future. The author emphasizes that the main characteristic of the archive is the activeness of its operators in obtaining materials (through queries to parties and state institutions, interviews with politicians, and monitoring election campaigns, including the archivization of audio-visual materials). The aim is to understand the mechanisms of political life. The Archive is supposed to have an educational function and by making its information accessible it should increase the transparency of political life.
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EN
The results of the surveys on the perceptions of income inequalities in Poland, which were conducted in 1988-1994, when the old political regime collapsed and the systemic transformation started, have been compared with the most current survey conducted in 2010. It has been demonstrated that despite the collapse of communism and the transition to market economy, there were no major changes in either how people perceive actual earnings in different occupations or what earnings they regard as fair. Both in 1988 and 2010 the respondents believed that incomes of politicians and big businessmen were the highest, while the wages of white collar workers’ at the lower positions and manual workers’ were the lowest. Moreover, the earnings seen as fair did not depart significantly from the earnings perceived as actual. This finding confirms a belief that the sense of what is fair for people is conditioned by what is seen as actual. Another conclusion is that over the two decades the acceptance for large differences in earnings considerably increased. The degree of „acceptable” inequality, as measured by the Gini index increased from 0.217 to 0.316. The systemic transformation did not substantially modify the map of social categories that were for or against differences in earnings. As two decades before, a relatively strong support for income inequalities is present in all segments of social structure. It therefore does not seem likely that wage demands could turn into a social conflict.
PL
Przedstawiamy wyniki badań nad postrzeganiem nierówności zarobków, realizowanych w Polsce w latach 1988–2010. Dowodzą one, że mimo upadku komunizmu i kształtowania się stosunków rynkowych, w okresie tym nie zmieniły się ani opinie o wysokości zarobków w różnych zawodach, ani też na temat zarobków uznawanych za sprawiedliwe. W 1988 i 2010 roku dominowało przekonanie, że najwięcej zarabiają przedstawiciele wielkiego biznesu i politycy, a najmniej robotnicy i pracownicy umysłowi na najniższych stanowiskach. Prawie identycznie kształtowała się hierarchia zawodów według zarobków uznawanych za sprawie- dliwe. Wynik ten jest potwierdzeniem tezy, że poczucie tego, co sprawiedliwe, warunkowane jest przez to, co postrzegane jest jako faktyczne. Równocześnie w latach 1988–2010 dokonał się wyraźny wzrost akceptacji dla rozpiętości zarobków. W zbiorowości mieszkańców Polski stopień „postulowanych” nierówności, mierzonych indeksem Giniego, zwiększył się z 0,217 do 0,316. Transformacja nie zmieniła zasadniczo mapy kategorii społecznych, które są bardziej za nierównościami lub przeciw. W sumie jednak, stosunkowo silne poparcie dla nierówności zarobków występuje we wszystkich segmentach struktury społecznej – wydaje się więc mało prawdopodobne, aby roszczenia płacowe prowadziły do napięć społecznych.
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