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Monitoring wizyjny miejsc publicznych w dużym mieście na przykładzie Warszawy. Próba analizy kosztów i zysków

100%

Waszkiewicz P.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2012

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issue XXXIV

253-273

EN

Vision monitoring system cameras have been merging into the landscape of public places in Polish agglomerations for over a decade. Their spread neither has been publicly discussed nor it has been examined what is their effectiveness in crime prevention and as an irrefutable proof in criminal proceedings. Also the legislator has long failed to attempt to regulate this sphere – which not only in theory can be in conflict with the right to privacy. Similarly, no financial analyses of creating and maintaining complex systems have been made. The article presents research from selected countries (United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, and Poland) on preventive effectiveness of video surveillance systems based on police and other service statistics as well as victimisation studies of inhabitants. The problem of economic analysis of the systems of this type in public areas of big cities on the example of the research by M. Spriggs and A. Gill (United Kingdom) is also discussed. An attempt of cost calculation of the greatest Polish system functioning in Warsaw is also made. It includes both material and social costs. They are compared with potential and actual profits from the use of the system and accompanied by a short survey of research on the effectiveness of video surveillance systems. Warsaw has been chosen because of the size of the system and relatively greatest availability of financial data and reports from Zakład Obsługi Systemu Monitoringu m.st. Warszawy (Surveillance System Administration Office of the Capital City of Warsaw). The article summarises the descriptions of administrators’ and system owners’ reactions to the results of the studies.

2

O kontroli chuligaństwa futbolowego w Polsce ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem sytuacyjnej prewencji uwag kilka

67%

Drzazga E.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2013

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issue XXXV

193-212

EN

The development of international measures of football hooliganism control has been proceeding along several paths and included a number of different aspects of broadly understood control over the phenomenon. One can define 4 periods differing in the football hooliganism control paradigms applied: the first period - stretching from 1960s to 1985, second - between 1985 and 1997, third - 1997 to 2000 and fourth - from 2000 up to the present day. Consider-ing the issue of situational prevention of football hooliganism, control measures could be divided into two groups, or levels. The first level was mostly concerned with 'hard' means, i.e. such based on activities that rendered breaking the law or upsetting the public order more challenging. This was done with simple techniques of isolating opposing groups of supporters from each other by police cordons, fencing out sections of stadiums, putting up barriers, or 'cages' for visiting fans. Other popular 'hard' means aimed at increasing the perpetrator's risk of being subject to negative consequences, which mostly meant intensified police presence at a stadium. The progression to level 2 control was triggered by results brought by research on crowd management techniques conducted after the 2000 European Championship. The new trend involved gradual balancing out the 'hard' and 'soft' means, the latter having the purpose of limiting provocation and excuses (promoting the atmosphere of a joyful festival at football events, avoiding 'arming' and confrontation by security personnel, employment of surveillance and emergency services, etc.). A comparison of the ways in which football hooliganism situational prevention developed with the integrated model of situational crime prevention brings an interesting insight into the effectiveness of the new situational trend, which is a method broadly employed in Western Europe to counter football hooliganism. According to R. Wortley, while the notion of opportunity reduction assumes that there already is an offender who is motivated or at least ambivalent and ready to commit a crime, the fact is that motivation to commit a crime may occur as a result of particular situational factors. Wortley defined 4 types of factors motivating a perpetrator to commit a crime, or the so-called precipitators: prompts, pressures, permissibility, and provocations. The integrated concept of situational prevention discussed in the article is a merger of the traditional methods of limiting crime opportunities, or the so-called 'hard' means, with a complementary set of techniques minimizing other situational factors proposed by R. Wortley, i.e. 'soft' means. D.B. Cornish and R.V. Clarke proposed a combination of the two approaches, which resulted in vastly broadened array of situational crime prevention techniques.

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Chuligaństwo stadionowe jako samodzielne zjawisko społeczne i przedmiot regulacji prawnych. Zarys problematyki

59%

Sochacka J.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2010

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issue XXXII

223-248

EN

The current form of the phenomenon termed stadium hooliganism differs substantially to the form characteristic of 1960-1970s, and even 1980s. This is, on one hand, a result of change in deviant behaviour of spectators, on the other hand a result of material change in what behaviours are labelled, and thus controlled, by the state. While initially hooliganism consisted in acts of violence and vandalism on stadiums and in their immediate vicinity, deviant behaviours of spectators fundamentally changed with time. Re-design of stadiums, introduction of exclusively numbered seats and tickets, spectator video surveillance, ticket sale control systems, and many other technical measures to eliminate the sense of anonymity in the football fans – along with extension of the catalogue of football-related behaviours which are criminalised – resulted in relative safety of European, and to less extent Polish, stadiums. This resulted in transfer of deviant behaviour of spectators outside stadiums. At present, two types of behaviours are commonly considered in relation to stadium hooliganism. First, all deviant behaviours of (some) spectators manifested on the stadium or in its immediate vicinity in strict temporal and spatial relation to a match. Second, all other deviant behaviours of (some) spectators manifested outside stadiums and in less and less strict temporal, emotional and spatial relation to a sport event. Until 1985 penal policy towards stadium hooliganism – on the tier of national regulations, international cooperation, legal acts by European organs and UEFA – was surprisingly uniform in perception of the phenomenon as a social problem which does not require any particular methods or measure of control and which does not require any particular legislation. 1985 was a turning point as far as legal position of the phenomenon is concerned. Accepting in Strasbourg on 19 August 1985 the European Convention on Spectator Violence and Misbehaviour at Sports Events and in particular at Football Matches by Council of Europe initiated an entirely new approach to the policy of prevention of the phenomenon. Since 1985, legal acts concerning stadium hooliganism have been passed both on national and international level. Stadium hooliganism was termed a serious social problem in the area of public order solution of which requires introduction and implementation of particular legal regulations and particular methods of supervision and control. Including stadium hooliganism into the category of social phenomena which carry a risk for functioning of the society as a whole, such as terrorism, delinquency of immigrants, juvenile delinquency or drug addiction is an effect of wider transformations in European penal policy which have been present since the end of 1970s. This is related to emergence of strong tendencies towards politicisation of internal security issues at the time.

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Monitoring wizyjny miejsc publicznych w dużym mieście na przykładzie Warszawy. Próba analizy kosztów i zysków

O kontroli chuligaństwa futbolowego w Polsce ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem sytuacyjnej prewencji uwag kilka

Chuligaństwo stadionowe jako samodzielne zjawisko społeczne i przedmiot regulacji prawnych. Zarys problematyki