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EN
Purpose: The study was aimed at getting to know students' opinions on abortion, the circumstances that authorize it, and analysis of factors that may influence the views of the studied group. Materials and methods: The study was conducted among 687 students from various regions of Poland. The respondents answered questions about the abortion law and circumstances entitling them to terminate the pregnancy. Results: The majority of respondents (42.1%) are of the opinion that the current law protects the mother and the child well enough. 58.5% of respondents said that abortion in cases permitted by law is not a sin. Referring to the church's prohibition of abortion, 44.5% of respondents voted for its abolition. Considering the answer to this question in terms of religiosity, it turns out that 31.7% of believers taking part in the study would like this ban to be lifted. Conclusions: Factors such as gender, place of residence, having or willingness to have children influence abortion views. Factors such as the field of study and having a permanent partner do not affect abortion views. Faith has a big impact on abortion views, and believers are more likely than non-believers to forbid abortion or restrict the right to abortion, while much less often advocate unrestricted rights to abortion.
EN
The purpose of this article is to point out not only the essence of the embryopathological premise of abortion – that has been deemed unconstitutional (pursuant to the Polish law) – but also the criminal law consequences of its repeal. The abolition of the abortion compromise, which took place by virtue of the judgement of the Constitutional Tribunal of 22 October 2020, K 1/20, OTK-A 2021, item 4, prompted the presentation of doubts of both constitutional and strictly interpretative nature that have occurred over the years in the interpretation of the said premise. When considering the criminal law consequences of the aforementioned judgement, it was pointed out that the compliance with the nullum crimen sine lege principle does not allow to determine that the said judgement has led to change in the current scope of the criminalisation of abortion. The conviction was also stated de lege ferenda that any attempts at modifying the abortion law require an in-depth discussion and well-thought-out legislative actions.
Society Register
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2020
|
vol. 4
|
issue 1
85-100
EN
A restrictive anti-abortion law is in force in Poland. However, many people terminate pregnancy in cases other than those specified in the Act. Public discourse on this subject is dominated by philosophical and legal issues, and it lacks the voices of those who terminated the pregnancy. Abortion is often presented as a sad necessity, as always difficult or traumatic. I conducted research on describing own abortion experiences by people from Facebook pro-choice groups. 99 respondents who had 102 abortions completed an anonymous online questionnaire. From the material of answers, I selected categories that were used to analyze the results of the study: positive emotions, negative emotions, pregnancy as a burden, good experience, difficulty experience, stigmatization, support. It turned out that the experiences of termination of pregnancy were diverse. Respondents, describing their experiences, discussed topics rarely present in the discourse, such as the fact that abortion can be a good experience.
EN
The article presents the issues of legal regulation of termination of pregnancy in the context of the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court (CC), in particular the ruling in the case K 1/20.The discussion opens with an analysis of models of abortion practices regulations, as well as the solutions adopted in the Polish legal system, with a short historical introduction. It is emphasized how important is the issue, which results from the fundamental differences in worldviews between the supporters and opponents of the permissibility of the practice of termination of pregnancy, which is expressed in the name given to this medical practice.The right to life as an element of the human rights system is discussed, both in terms of international law and the provisions of the Polish constitution.Next, the Polish provisions on the admissibility of termination of pregnancy are presented along with a historical outline, with particular emphasis on the ruling in the case K 26/96. Based on the above discussion, the resolution in the case K 1/20 was discussed, in which the CC found the so-called embryopathological premise for termination of pregnancy to be incompatible with Polish Constitution. A polemic with the justification of the decision is presented, including the errors of interpreta-tion committed by the CC with regard to the constitutional and international form of the right to the protection of life. It is indicated that in the Polish legal system only the right to protection of life exists, not the right to life, which is referred to both by the CC and most of the doctrine.Despite the fact that this resolution does not remove the norm from the legal system, the author draws attention to the practical consequences of issuing it, in particular the occurrence of the so-called ‘chilling effect’ and unjustified activity of the law enforcement authorities.The final part of the article presents conclusions on how to legally regulate the termination of pregnancy.
EN
The article presents the crime of abortion in the canonical legal order. Abortion undoubtedly ranks among the gravest crimes against life as the Catholic Church maintains that each human being has the inviolable right to life from the very moment of conception. Violating this right entails criminal sanctions imposed upon those who were baptized or received in the Catholic Church and who committed the crime of abortion and remain obstinate. At the moment of aborting pregnancy, the penalty of legally-binding excommunication is applied. This type of penalty excludes the faithful and his/her partners from the possibility of receiving all the sacraments. Despite this fact, there are circumstances under which the legislator provides for the mitigation or lifting of this penalty. The excommunicated faithful may apply for the removal of the penalty before he/she receives absolution in the sacrament of Penance and Reconciliation. 
PL
Artykuł prezentuje przestępstwo aborcji w kanonicznym porządku prawnym. Niewątpliwie należy ono do kategorii najcięższych przestępstw przeciwko życiu, albowiem Kościół katolicki stoi na stanowisku nienaruszalności prawa do życia każdego człowieka od chwili jego poczęcia. Naruszenie tego prawa pociąga za sobą sankcje karne, którym podlegają ochrzczeni w Kościele katolickim lub do niego przyjęci, którzy dopuścili się przestępstwa aborcji i trwają w uporze. W momencie przerwania ciąży dochodzi do zaciągnięcia kary ekskomuniki wiążącej mocą samego prawa. Kara tego typu wyłącza wiernego i jego wspólników z możliwości przyjmowania wszystkich sakramentów. Pomimo to, w pewnych okolicznościach ustawodawca przewiduje złagodzenie lub zwolnienie z tejże kary. Wierny który zaciągnął powyższą ekskomunikę może ubiegać się o zwolnienie z kary zanim otrzyma rozgrzeszenie w sakramencie pokuty i pojednania.
EN
The Constitution in Article 118 (2) granted the group of at least one hundred thousand citizens the right to submit a citizens’ bill and initiate the legislative process in the Polish parliament. Due to the formalized mode of implementation of the constitutional right of citizens to submit draft bills, this form of initiating the legislative process constitutes a negligible percentage compared to the number of submitted drafts by other authorized entities. Sometimes, the submitted projects concern controversial matters, arousing emotions and distorting public opinion. An example of such a draft is the citizens’ bill proposed in the 8th term of the Sejm, amending the Act of 7 January 1993 on family planning, protection of the human fetus and conditions for the admissibility of termination of pregnancy (Sejm print 2146). The article analyzes the legislative process of the project.
PL
Konstytucja w art. 118 ust. 2 przyznała grupie co najmniej stu tysięcy obywateli, prawo do złożenia obywatelskiego projektu ustawy i zainicjowania tym samym procesu ustawodawczego przed polskim parlamentem. Z uwagi na sformalizowany tryb realizacji konstytucyjnego prawa obywateli do wnoszenia projektów ustaw, ta forma inicjowania procesu legislacyjnego stanowi znikomy procent w porównaniu z liczbą składanych projektów przez inne uprawnione do tego podmioty. Niekiedy zgłaszane projekty, dotyczą spraw kontrowersyjnych, budzących emocje oraz dzielących opinię społeczną. Przykładem takiego projektu jest zgłoszony w VIII kadencji Sejmu obywatelskie projekt ustawy o zmianie ustawy z 7 stycznia 1993 r. o planowaniu rodziny, ochronie płodu ludzkiego i warunkach dopuszczalności przerywania ciąży (druk sejmowy 2146). W artykule analizie poddano proces ustawodawczy przedmiotowego projektu. Autor zwraca uwagę, iż niekiedy proces legislacyjny jest paraliżowany bowiem interesy polityczne okazują się być bardziej istotne niż szacunek dla praw suwerena.
PL
Kobiety potrzebujące terminacji ciąży w Polsce narażane są, poprzez praktykę stosowania obowiązujących przepisów prawnych, na nadużycia systemowe ze strony władz publicznych oraz niekiedy instytucjonalne, ze strony podmiotów opieki zdrowotnej. Skutkuje to poszukiwaniem, innych niż krajowe, instytucji ochrony ich praw reprodukcyjnych. Dlatego też wydaje się zasadnym zwrócenie uwagi na wieloaspektowość przesłanek, na jakie wskazywał Europejski Trybunał Praw Człowieka, orzekając o stanie prawnym i faktycznym legalnej aborcji w Polsce. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba syntezy wskazanych przez Europejski Trybunał Praw Człowieka przejawów naruszeń przez Polskę regulacji Konwencji o ochronie praw człowieka i podstawowych wolności w zakresie spraw dotyczących przerywania ciąży. Jako podstawowa metoda badawcza wykorzystana zostanie analiza treści orzeczeń ETPCZ oraz innych tekstów źródłowych.
EN
In Poland, women in need of termination of pregnancy are exposed, through the practice of application of law, to systemic abuse by public authorities and sometimes institutional abuse by healthcare providers. This results in the search for institutions outside of Poland to protect their reproductive rights. Therefore, it seems reasonable to draw attention to the multifaceted nature of the rationale that the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has indicated in its judgments on the legal and factual state of legal abortion in Poland. This paper is an attempt to synthesize the manifestations, indicated by the ECtHR, of Poland’s violations of the provisions of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in matters relating to the termination of pregnancy. An analysis of the content of the judgments of the ECtHR and other source texts is used in this paper as the primary research method.
PL
Dyskusje nad wciąż aktualnym zagadnieniem przerywania ciąży koncentrują się obecnie na problemie jego godziwości, czyli na aspekcie moralnym, oraz dopuszczenia go przez prawo pozytywne, czyli na aspekcie legislacyjnym. Przeciwnicy przerywania ciąży odwołują się do argumentów, które – jak się wydaje – powinny spotkać się z powszechną aprobatą, a tym samym wpływać na dokonywane wybory i na ogólną mentalność. Jest jednak faktem niedomagającym się specjalnego dowodzenia, że te argumenty wciąż są mało znane albo są wprost odrzucane. Dla zrozumienia istniejącej, dość paradoksalnej, sytuacji jest konieczna analiza historyczno-kulturowa genezy abortyzmu, rozpowszechnionego w dzisiejszych wypowiedziach zwolenników przerywania ciąży, wpływającego jednak w dużym stopniu na traktowanie problemu w naszych czasach i na dokonywanie jego spłyconej oceny etycznej. Należy sądzić, że dopiero na gruncie pogłębionego rozumienia zachodzących zjawisk, a przede wszystkim ich przyczyn będzie można podjąć bardziej adekwatne środki służące obronie życia na jego początku, która jawi się jako fundamentalny wymóg obrony cywilizacji miłości wobec narzucającej się ostentacyjnie kultury śmierci.
EN
The debates concerning the problem of termination of pregnancy are currently concentrated upon the question of its decency, namely, on its ethical aspect and on the issue of the acceptance by positive law, that is on legislative aspect. The adversaries of termination of pregnancy refer to arguments which – as it seems – should meet with universal approval and by the same token should have influence on decisions and general morality. However, it appears to be quite self-evident that these arguments are still not known enough or they are simply rejected. For the understanding of this, rather paradoxical, situation it is necessary to analyse the historical and cultural origins of abortionism which affects considerably the point of view of the proponents of termination of pregnancy and which today has massive influence on the public perception of the problem and on its oversimplified ethical assessment. Therefore, only the profound understanding of the on-going events, all the more their reasons will make it possible to take more adequate steps towards the defence of life from its beginning, which manifests itself as the fundamental requirement of the defence of a civilisation of love as opposed to the obtrusive and ostentatious culture of death.
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