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In the recent past, decolonial proposals have become more and more important for feminisms of the Americas, that is, for Latin American and U.S. Latina/o theories and practices negotiating the signifi cance of gender. Decolonial feminist thought proposes multiple ways of deconstructing coloniality (the ongoing effects of colonisation), and distances itself from postcolonial feminisms by emphasising not only its own unique, historically diverse geopolitical situatedness in the Americas, but also discordance with the assumption of the postcolonial "silenced subaltern female subject". The article traces some of the conceptual travels of a decolonial feminist project as it is, today, under construction, and ponders on the options it presents for literary and cultural studies of the Americas on a transborder level. It then presents two decolonial feminist theoretical proposals: María Lugones’ Coloniality of Gender and her attempt to move, as she says, toward a decolonial feminism, as well as Gloria Anzaldúa’s concepts of Borderlands and Nepantla. Lugones analyses "gender" as an inherently colonial category which defi nes an ecological, economic, political, spiritual, and epistemological modernity for the Americas; Anzaldúa envisions a world of decolonial, feminist poetical interstices while employing creative practices. These notions reshape the tools available for future cultural and literary analysis and propose a holistic politics of healing.
EN
Recently there have been several examples of different regional integration systems intervening to prevent unconstitutional events. The interventions can be based on explicit powers or be developed in response to events. This happens despite most regional integration systems having economic cooperation rather than explicit democratisation aims. Organs that issue laws or take constraining decisions must have a clear right to do this and a basis for exercising power-in other words, be legitimate. Where legitimacy comes from is debated, but as most countries today are democracies or purport to be, it somehow emanates from the people. National governments have a higher degree of legitimacy than regional integration organisations, possibly except the European Union. Regional integration organisations have to prove their legitimacy. The article examines if, to what extent, and on what basis regional integration systems have the right to exercise an independent role on the global stage. Legitimacy is a precondition for effective application of decisions of the organisation. Given the frequent lack of strong enforcement mechanisms, the question of legitimacy becomes even more important. With strong legitimacy, decisions taken by the regional integration organisation will be followed to a large extent even despite absence of effective enforcement mechanisms.
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