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1
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Equal or Not? On the Material Aspect of Equality of European Parliament Elections in Poland

100%
Glajcar R.
Political Preferences
|
2014
|
issue 9
193-217
EN
This article focuses on the issue of equality of elections, in the context of the 2014 European Parliament election in Poland. Most often the definition of principles of elections’ equality comes down to emphasizing its two aspects: the formal one and the material one. The first of them refers to guaranteeing each person with the active voting right the same number of votes. The material aspect of the equality principle is connected with striving to guarantee the same “voting power” to the election participants. Most briefly, it means that a given number of people elect as many representatives as another group with the same numerical strength. The main aim of this article is focus on the material aspect of implementing the principle of equality in EP elections. In the article will be emphasized three issues decisive for the specific features of the electoral system (electoral districts, election threshold and electoral formula), at the same time influencing the range of implementation of the material equality of elections. General findings will be confronted with empirical data, which will allow to formulate conclusions about the degree to which the European Parliament election conducted in Poland on 25th May 2014 met the principle of material equality.
2

Adjustment function as a tool for distribution of seats in the European Parliament

100%
Misztal A.
Mathematical Economics
|
2011
|
issue 7 (14)
137-154
EN
The article points out the concept of degressive proportionality, which is defined in the Lisbon Treaty and concerns allotment of seats in the European Parliament. The article introduces the concept of adjustment functions that allows the execution of the transition from the proportional division to degressively proportional. It reminds us of the four methods based on adjustment functions leading to degressively proportional divisions in the weak sense. Methods that are listed are: “shifted proportionality” (by Pukelsheim), parabolic method (by Ramirez), power-type method (by Ramirez), and power-type method (by Haman). The article contains a proposition of a special form of an adjustment function, which is dependent on an increasing, strictly concave function and several parameters. These are the population of the least and most populous country of the European Union (now Malta and Germany), the minimum and maximum number of seats to be allocated (now 6 and 96) and the additional parameter c. It is chosen in such a way that, with a fixed method of rounding of the adjustment function (and thus calculating the number of seats per country), the total number of seats does not exceed a certain fixed value (target 750).
3
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STANOWISKO PARLAMENTU EUROPEJSKIEGO WOBEC PROCESU STOWARZYSZENIOWEGO UKRAINY Z UNIĄ EUROPEJSKĄ

100%
Staszczyk A.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2013
|
issue 3(11)
100-119 (20)
XX
The article discusses the role played by the European Parliament (EP) in the EU–Ukraine Association Agreement. The aim of this process is to establish a close and mutual political and economic cooperation on both sides. By stressing the importance of EP as the only EU body having democratic legitimacy, and thus defines itself as a „guardian of democracy” in the modern world, analyzing its position on the conclu-sion of an EU association agreement with Ukraine. It should be noted that the EP pays particular attention in the context of the association to the development of democracy in Ukraine and its respect of democratic standards. This authority recognizing the geopo-litical importance of Ukraine is in favour of deepening the EU’s cooperation with that country through the conclusion of an association agreement and calls for granting Ukraine a potential European perspective. However, what is worth noting the EP in numerous resolutions makes conditional the progress in the bringing Ukraine to the EU from the incorporation of the values defined as European (democracy, rule of law, protection of minorities etc.) by Kiev. Therefore, events that indicate a crisis of democ-racy in Ukraine pay such important matter for the European Parliament (e.g. the imprisonment of opposition politicians, including former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko) to which the authorities usually adopt a clearly negative position, often contrasting with more „balanced” opinions of other EU institutions.
4
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WPŁYW USTAWY KWOTOWEJ NA ZAKRES PODMIOTOWOŚCI POLITYCZNEJ KOBIET W POLSCE NA PRZYKŁADZIE WYBORÓW DO SEJMU W 2011 ROKU ORAZ WYBORÓW DO PARLAMENTU EUROPEJSKIEGO W 2014 ROKU

100%
Pięta-Szawara A.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2015
|
issue 1(13)
36-45 (10)
EN
The aim of the above-mentioned analysis was a statement whether and how legal acts concerning gender equality, written in Electoral code (adopted by the Sejm of the Republic of Poland on 5th January 2011), support women in the political sphere. In the first part of the article the origins of the introduction of quota solutions in Poland are outlined and their full text is presented. The next part of the article shows the influence of the adopted regulations on the results of the 2011 elections to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland and the European Parliament. The summary presents the most important conclusions. The article also proves the thesis that the quota system led to a significant growth in the number of women standing as a candidate in elections. However, it failed to have such an impact on the number of women elected to representative bodies. It led to the conclusion that despite the legal validation of electoral quotas, there are many factors which can increase women’s political subjectivity, e.g. a place given on electoral register or their electoral constituency. This situation explains the purpose of the supplementing of the quota mecha-nism by a zipping system, which means the alternate order of women and men can-didates on electoral list and makes it difficult to fill compulsory quotas with a signif-icant number of women in an electoral constituency in which a given party has in-sufficient support.
5
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Is Europe Moving Towards a Democratic Federation?

75%
Grosse T. G.
Yearbook of Polish European Studies
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2017
|
vol. 20
11-30
EN
The goal of this article is to answer the question if the European Union may, in the coming years, see reforms towards a democratic federation. At the beginning there is a scientific discussion about the traits of a federation in comparison with a confederation, as well as a technocratic (executive) federation to a lesser degree. What follows is a diagnosis of the current system of the European Union, which can be considered a hybrid in that it contains the traits of different systems. Next, the role of the main federal institution of the EU, that is the European Parliament, is assessed together with recent proposals for further reforms towards the federation. In the conclusions a projection of the key changes in the EU is presented, with a focus on evaluating the probability of a rise of a democratic federation.
6
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The 2014 European Parliamentary Election in Poland: The Evaluation of the Challenges to the European Union

71%
Osiński J., Pytlik B.
Studia z Polityki Publicznej
|
2016
|
vol. 3
|
issue 4(12)
77-100
PL
Artykuł porusza kwestię wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego w Polsce. Autorzy omawiają przepisy wyborcze i kontekst instytucjonalny do wyborów. Wybrali oni wybory w 2014 r. Na tle historycznych wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 i 2009 roku. Autorzy podkreślają, że najważniejszym wyzwaniem związanym z wyborami jest niska frekwencja. Głównymi przyczynami stanu rzeczy jest niska jakość wiedzy o instytucjach europejskich oraz niezadowolenie społeczne obywateli Polski z sytuacji ekonomicznej i politycznej zarówno w Europie, jak i w Polsce.
EN
The paper addresses the issue of the election to the European Parliament in Poland. The authors discuss the electoral regulations and the institutional background to the election.They put the 2014 election against the historic background of the 2004 and 2009 elections to the European Parliament. The authors emphasise that the most important challenge in terms of the elections is the low turnout. The major reasons for the state of affairs are the low quality of the knowledge of the European institutions and the social discontent of the Polish citizens with the economic and political situation both in Europe and Poland.
7

Integracja europejska w obliczu eurosceptycyzmu

63%
Pleśniarska A.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
|
2017
|
issue 6(966)
29-43
PL
Poglądy eurosceptyczne są coraz częściej wyrażane w programach i działaniach partii politycznych. Zauważalne są także w debacie politycznej w wybranych państwach członkowskich. Celem artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie, czy eurosceptycyzm jest szansą, czy zagrożeniem dla przyszłości idei integracji oraz czy zagrożona jest spójność projektu europejskiego. W artykule zdefiniowano pojęcie eurosceptycyzmu i przedstawiono jego wybrane kategoryzacje. Na podstawie przeprowadzonej analizy ilościowej, a także studium literatury przedmiotu podjęto próbę oceny znaczenia eurosceptyków w Parlamencie Europejskim. W artykule starano się również zidentyfikować przyczyny popularności poglądów eurosceptycznych w Europie, wskazując na istnienie kryzysu gospodarczego, migracyjnego, demokracji, a także samego projektu, jakim jest UE. Na podstawie przeprowadzonych rozważań stwierdzono, że wzrosła liczba eurosceptyków w PE, są oni jednak podzieleni między różne grupy polityczne. Istnieje potrzeba ich większej konsolidacji i wypracowania przez nich spójnych postulatów – wtedy, paradoksalnie, eurosceptycy mogą stać się szansą dla przyszłości europejskiego projektu. Poglądy eurosceptyczne nie powinny być marginalizowane, ale traktowane z uwagą w imię zachowania wartości, jaką jest integracja.
EN
Eurosceptical views are more and more often evident in the programmes and activities of European political parties, and are manifested in the political debate transpiring in Member States. Is Euroscepticism an opportunity or a threat for the future of the idea of European integration? Does it threaten the cohesion of the European project? The main aim of this article is to answer these questions. Euroscepticism and the categorizations it breaks down into are defined in the article. Empirical analysis and a review of the literature are used to illustrate the importance of Eurosceptics in the European Parliament. This study identifies why Eurosceptical views in Europe have become more popular, pointing to the existence of many European crises, including in the economy, migration and democracy. The number of Eurosceptics in the EP has increased, but they come from different political groups. If their opinions are to be seen as an opportunity for the future of the EU, their demands must be consolidated and infused with greater coherence. Eurosceptical views should not be marginalized in the context of the further development of the EU.
8
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PROBLEM UJEDNOLICENIA SYSTEMU WYBORCZEGO W WYBORACH DO PARLAMENTU EUROPEJSKIEGO

63%
Wojciechowski J.
Przestrzeń, Ekonomia, Społeczeństwo
|
2013
|
issue 3/1
39-52
EN
This paper refers to the problem connected with the unification of the electoral law to the European Parliament. The idea of creating the electoral law which is unified and common for all Member States of the European Union is an initiative of relatively rich tradition. This tradition has been accompanying development of the European Union for several dozen years. The author of this paper talks about the most important historical events relevant to the discussed topic and tries to describe their influence on the current binding legal regulations. According to the accepted legal regulations the European Parliament is an institution appointed in the elections which are carried out not only on the basis of the European Union law, but also on national regulations. Further part of this paper is devoted to the analysis of current legal regulations based on the European law. What is more, national legal regulations adopted in the Member States are assessed and compared in this paper. The last part of this paper is the final conclusion in which the author estimates the outlook for introducing unification of the electoral law in all Member States.
PL
W niniejszym artykule omówiona została problematyka dotycząca unifikacji prawa wyborczego do Parlamentu Europejskiego. Inicjatywa powołania do życia jednolitej, wspólnej wszystkim państwom członkowskim ordynacji wyborczej w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego posiada bardzo długą i bogatą tradycją. W niniejszym opracowaniu jego autor przybliża najważniejsze wydarzenia historyczne związane z analizowanym tematem oraz omawia ich wpływ na kształt aktualnie obowiązujących rozwiązań prawnych. W chwili obecnej Parlament Europejski jest instytucją, której skład wyłaniany jest w wyborach przeprowadzanych zarówno na podstawie prawa Unii Europejskiej, jak i przepisów prawa właściwych poszczególnym państwom członkowskim. W dalszej części opracowania autor dokonuje analizy obowiązujących uregulowań prawnych oraz charakteryzuje systemy wyborcze poszczególnych państw członkowskich w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego. Całość rozważań wieńczy ocena perspektyw związanych z unifikacją prawa wyborczego w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego.
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