Modernisation of the European Union or just another modifi cation? Such a dilemma appears regularly during all inter-governmental conferences, specially before and after approving another revision treaty for the European Union. To answer such a question, fi rst the essence and meaning of these terms has to be explained, and to do so, the best option is to refer to their etymology. And so, according to the PWN “Dictionary of Foreign Words”, ‘modification’ »latin modification = measuring« is a change, transformation, remake; a modifi ed object, while ‘modernisation’ »fr. moderne = modern« is making something modern or making something contemporary’. Therefore, modernisation shall mean a broader and deeper process, these are actions leading to radical transformations and changes as compared to modifi cation, which usually precedes modernisation. It may then be said that as far as the European Union is concerned, commencing from its origination by the Maastricht treaty of 7th February 1992 till the latest revision treaty, i.e. the Lisbon treaty which became eff ective on 1st December 2009, we only witnessed its successive (permanent) modifi cation, that is slow transformations which were generally named extension and enhancement processes. Today, after nearly twenty years of remakes and use, the European Union needs not only a radical overhaul but rather modernisation, meaning its update and adapting to contemporary times. Today, the European Union requires adaptation to challenges and requirements of the 21st century determined by acceleration and globalisation progressing within all spheres of life.
This article presents the emerging transnational interactions and problems in the area of social policy in contemporary Europe. Firstly, it defines the concept of Social Europe, both in normative and descriptive-analytical terms. Then, it characterizes a few selected symptoms of deepening integration processes which are taking place in a multilevel “European social space”. Finally, the author considers the present and future role of the European Union, and its internal bodies like the European Commission and the European Court of Justice, in developing social policy on the continental scale.
The future will tell whether or not the European Union is developing a political philosophy of its own. But the current trend indicates several interesting features struc-turally different, or asymmetric, to the experiences with the evolution of key notions of political philosophy in relation to the past experience with the development of state-hood. The paper gives examples which call for deepened research and provides stimu-lating material for a new and innovative reflection on the process and substance of European integration, this most unique feature of political history in the course of the 20th century.
The agricultural production depends on natural and economic conditions. Weak environmental conditions could be compensated by using the high technology, which requires capital. The agricultural production should evolve in a similar way in countries with similar natural conditions, i.e. spatial autocorrelation should take place. The aim of this article is to present the spatial autocorrelation of indices of agricultural output. The local and global I Moran's statistics were used and the changes in the dynamics of agricultural production in the EU in 2010-2011 were presented.
Norway is a part of Europe, not only geographically, but historically, financially and culturally. The European Union is the main trading partner of that country, and EU policies have an impact on many sectors of Norwegian life. Despite this, the Norwegians twice in a referendum rejected membership in the European Union. There are many reasons for this decision. Among them, the most stressed — economic reasons. Norwegians do not want to share profits from fishing, and, what is more, the extraction of natural resources. Norwegian economy is healthy and prospers well without being part of the European Union. Norwegian absence in the EU is therefore nothing other than self-preservation and Norwegians Euroscepticism is based on a commitment to autonomy.
A This article addresses the question of social consequences of the present financial and economic crisis in Europe. Firstly, it considers the process of implementing fiscal consolidation measures taken in selected EU countries, including substantial cuts in welfare payments and benefits. Secondly, it reviews a few signs of rethinking the dominant paradigm of development and philosophy of social policy which also result from the recent turbulences in global and European markets. Thirdly, the author concludes that the future of the European Union itself may be subject to important changes, including possible transition from the monetary union to a budget and social union.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this paper is to document the performance of the EU and its Member States in the light of the Europe 2020 strategy, while also painting a broader picture of the context. Its purpose is not to strictly predict whether the 2020 targets will be reached, but also to consider the consequent circumstances. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The problem of this publication is the analysis of competitiveness of the EU and its Member States. The article uses traditional literature studies, as well as an analysis of documents, reports and statistics. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The line of reasoning consists of four sections. The opening one provides a concise overview of the key definitions. Subsequently, the post-crisis instruments of building competitiveness are discussed. The third section juxtaposes the Europe 2020 targets and reality. The last part includes a reflection on the current challenges concerned mainly existing division in the UE. RESEARCH RESULTS: Despite of having new post-crisis competitiveness tools, some of the targets will not be achieved by 2020. Moreover, there are countries which have already over-performed, whereas some of the Member States significantly fall behind their targets. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The capacity to deal effectively with the implementation of necessary policies and reforms in the EU is not enough. Heterogeneity of the Member States involves not only the level of competitiveness, but can be considered in many aspects. The failures seem to be a result not only weak economic performances, but are also determined by the crisis of solidarity. Working on this challenge ought to involve a larger reflection on psychological aspects and how to bring citizens along on the next stages of the European (economic) integration process.
This paper outlines the importance of the studies of EU external perceptions in the Asia-Pacific region in the times of global multipolar redesign and an ongoing eurozone sovereign debt crisis. It links understanding of the concepts of EU external images and EU international ‘branding’ to the conduct of the EU’s foreign policy. The paper also details the methodology of the transnational comparative research project ‘The EU in the Eyes of Asia Pacific’ which informs all contributions to this Issue. The paper then presents those contributions which explore EU external perceptions in nine Asia-Pacific locations, members of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) process: China, Japan, South Korea, India, Singapore, Thailand, Australia, New Zealand, and Russia.
This article discusses the prospects and challenges of energy cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Turkey within the context of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). Part of the EaP agenda is to advance energy cooperation between the EU and the partner states, particularly regarding the diversification of import routes. As an energy corridor between the EU and the hydrocarbon-rich Caspian states, Turkey is a strategic asset for European energy security. Turkey also has economic ties and political capital in the Caspian region that can help the EU reach out to its eastern partners. Despite robust incentives for cooperation, however, the EU-Turkey energy partnership has so far failed to meet mutual expectations. This article argues that this is primarily due to the inability of the two actors to credibly commit to regional energy cooperation. Commitment problem stems from two factors. First, the predominance of national energy interests over communal ones undermines credible commitment. The variation in energy needs of Member States prevents the EU from acting in unison in external energy policy. Similarly, Turkey also prioritizes its own energy security, particularly in its relations with suppliers, which undermines cooperation with the EU. Second, the EU and Turkey hold divergent perspectives on the potential political payoffs of energy cooperation. Turkish decision makers are convinced that energy cooperation warrants palpable progress in Turkey’s accession while most EU actors appear hesitant to establish a direct connection between energy and accession.
This paper explores the connections between the law and language in the European Union. The paper concerns the language policy of the European Union (EU) and English language priority. The EU faces challenges of finding a common ground for respecting the diversity of its members. So many different states are gathered in one organisation which establishes the law for diversified legal orders. The research question is - which language(s) is or should be used in the EU? Does English become lingua franca of the EU?
English has become the first global language of international com- munication during the last decades. It is dominant in many fields as science, technology, transportation, business and tourism and diplomacy. The European Union with law applicable directly on individuals is officially multilingual. English is, however, preferred in internal communication and in communication with national experts. National laws are closely related with particular states. Related discourse is therefore realized mostly in national language. Legal education and research are thus less anglicized than other university education and research. Nevertheless, increasing importance of international and supranational rules for harmonization and coordination, growing demand for comparison, pres- sure to publish in internationally recognized journals, Europe-wide research projects and rising numbers of exchange of students cause widespread resort to English also at schools of law. Unfortunately, English is language of countries with Anglo-American law (common law) which differs significantly from continental law (civil law) existing in most European and other countries. Therefore, it is difficult to find adequate English words for phenomena of civil law and to stabilize their use in international discourse.
The aim of the study is to estimate the impact of the so-called family social capital (family ties capital) on economic growth. We hypothesise that marital dissolution expresses decrease in the capacity for cooperation, collaboration and sharing responsibility not only within the family but also on a professional level. Thus, an increase in the divorce to marriage rate is accompanied by a slowdown in economic growth. The divorce rate is regarded here as an indirect cause of the slowdown. The reasons stem from the breakdown of cooperation and collaboration, as well as increased risk, trust reduction, and the shortening of the decision-making time horizon accompanying divorces and resulting from divorces. These phenomena directly affect the working members of the family in which a divorce takes place. According to the main hypothesis, their impact is transferred to professional life and concerns employee teams. For the study, we employ econometric models, the first one for Poland and the second for 15 European Union countries, for the period 1993–2017.
The paper describes the achievements of the Institute of High Pressure Physics (IHPP), also known as “Unipress”, which was founded in 1972 by Polish Academy of Sciences in terms of the European Union’s innovation policy.
The article tries to classify the EU states in terms of the advancement of structural changes in their industries on the basis of the increase in the share of advanced technologies in total industrial production, labour, added value, and surplus. In the times of the knowledge-based economy the ability to produce high-tech goods, the demand for which is growing much faster than for traditional goods, indicates the level of modernity of industry.The dynamic growth of the demand for knowledge-based high-tech goods results from the evolution of consumer habits, which are predominantly driven by educated and rich societies who demand that their sophisticated needs met. An important role in stimulating this demand is played by modern media as they instantly deliver information on the latest technical developments and are very efficient in transferring patterns of consumerism. The ability to adapt the structure of production to the needs of the market is crucial in defining a state's position in the international exchange of goods. This is due to the fact that the national technology is tightly interwoven with export abilities.
It is generally believed that the post-9/11 developments, especially the war on terrorism, military intervention in Iraq as well as the process of political changes in the Arab world after 2011, changed the situation in the Middle East to Europe’s disadvantage. The same claim applies to the European Union. This article carries out a detailed analysis of the European Union’s engagement in Syria after 2011, namely during the still ongoing conflict. The main research question is whether the European Union could play a more constructive and influential role as a peace broker in Syria. In order to answer this question one has to analyze actions undertaken by the European Union especially within the framework of European Council’s Strategy on Syria of 2017. The author concludes that although it is quite easy to criticize the EU for its lack of efficiency in the Syrian conflict, one has to underscore the importance of previous diplomatic efforts, the scale of humanitarian aid and other soft actions undertaken both in Syria as well as in the case of Syrian refugees. Yet in this case the main problem is related to some internal divisions and lack of solidarity among EU members. Undoubtedly, the EU’s voice could be better heard both in Syria and in the Middle East if some Central European governments including Poland changed their current attitude to the conflict and the fate of Syrian refugees.
Following the assumptions of the new model of foreign policy, the Turkish government is developing political and economic relations with regions that have not been the main focus of this country’s interest so far. Turkey, like other large economies, is deepening the scope of its engagement in Africa thanks to the gradual political stabilization and economic development of the countries of this continent. The revival of bilateral relations is based on a number of political initiatives that have been taken over the last two decades. The aim of the article is to present the results of the analysis of conditions shaping Turkey-Africa relations in the context of the European Union (EU)-Turkey Customs Union. The following research hypotheses were adopted in the study: – Turkey’s opening to Africa in the 21st century is the result of changes in Turkey’s foreign policy aimed at gaining a stronger global position. – Difficulties in the functioning of the customs union have contributed to the weakening ofTurkey’s relations with the EU and the increase of Turkish interest in Africa. Empirical (indirect observation and description) and general methods, including deduction and induction, were used to achieve the aim of the study. Research techniques such as cause-andeffect, comparative, documentary, historical, and synthesis were of great importance.
The purpose of this article is to analyze the usefulness of the liberal paradigm of international relations to scientific research aimed at explaining the disintegration trends functioning in some institutions of world politics. It is worthwhile to reflect on the possibility of applying this theory to the analysis of decomposition processes that can be perceived, for example, in Europe. The hypothesis is based on the statement that the research value of liberal thought, especially in the field of exploration of causes, course of actions, and the consequences of erosional phenomena of international regimes, is characterized by specific constraints, however its selected elements still remain valid. Considering the above, the liberal theory has been presented based on the beliefs of the leading foreign policy researchers who represent various trends in the analysis of international affairs. The qualitative concept used in the study led to the generation of a research method, which was used in order to reflect on the problems of disintegration of transnational bodies. The scientific procedure contained in article is aimed at capturing a new phenomenon of disintegration, an example of which is the perspective of the secession of Great Britain from the EU community, within the framework of one of the well-known paradigms of international relations.
The idea of European federation keeps recurring in politicians’ and intellectuals’ discourses on the future of the European Union. The logic of global rivalry of “large territories” favors this in particular, as it somehow forces Europe’s states to enter into a tighter integration if they want to realize their politics. The biggest challenge which the Union faces is the problem of leadership, understood both in the context of internal policy and relationally towards the surrounding. The problem, however, is the diversity of the member states and the unrelenting tension between particular concern about a national interest and European universalism. European federation sensu stricto, just because of this diversity has still been a utopian project. The future of the European Union most probably lies in a new intermediate model, as unique as the European Commonwealths used to be in the 1950s.
The participation of Poland in the Union’s military missions was dictated by a conviction about the need of a common, solidary cooperation in solving problems on a local, as well as international level, especially in the situation, when local issues could transform into a problem of a wider, so regional or global nature. Ensuring a state’s safety and strengthening of the position of Poland on the international arena, as constant purposes of our national policy, required joining in any international initiatives that were supposed to serve as a realization of strategic national aims. Due to the fact that different processes and phenomena happening in surroundings, regions and in the world influenced by the Polish safety, Poland had to actively participate in these actions. The active membership of Poland in foreign missions had been creating conditions that favor economical development and a progress of civilization. The participation in missions lead under the aegis of the European Union was also a realization of allied commitments and they were the one to constitute the credibility of Poland. The participation of Poland in the Common Security and Defence Policy can be divided into two periods. The first once embraces a time, when Poland was not a member of the European Union and, to be honest, its participation in a decisive process under the CSDP had more of a personal nature of engagement into lead missions. Therefore, Poland activated its military forces in military operations, as well as civilian ones, of which there were more. A second period is the time after 2004, when Poland had become a member of the European Union. In this case, we had a formal right to participate or make decisions ands not to participate in certain initiatives of the European Union. In operations that had national forces involved, it is possible to notice happening there processes of the Europeanization. Generally, they were based on taking over soft regulation aspects elaborated on a Union’s level and implementing them in actions of Polish organizations. Even though under the CSDP decisions were made and are made in an intergovernmental way, in situations when Poland participated in operations lead by the European Union, it has always adjusted to the dictate of Brussels. It resulted from an operational, organizational and logistic subordination of the Polish Military Contingent. To sum up, it can be assumed that even in a policy considered as a field with many flaws, there still are ongoing processes of Europeanization based on taking over elements of soft laws and in some cases – hard regulations as well. In this context, Polish armed forces received some “best practices”, learnt to act in completely different conditions and fields that made their adjustments and taking over good practices have some kind of a socialization nature.
The basic function of agricultural areas is, according to the European Charter for Rural Areas, agriculture and preservation of the natural environment based on a well-functioning agricultural sector that operates in harmony with nature. The Council Regulation (EC) 1257/1999 on support for rural development from the European Agricultural Guidance and Guarantee was adopted in 1999. The programmes that are currently binding in the territory of Poland were developed in accordance with the EU policy expressed in the abovementioned acts and other documents concerning development of rural areas. These included: the Rural Development Programme that focused on social and environmental aspects, as well as a part of the Sectoral Operational Programme devoted to the development of rural areas, as well as restructuring and modernization of the food sector. Based on the priorities of the Council regulation, two strategic objectives have been set: 1) Improvement of competitiveness of the agriculture and food economy, 2) Sustainable development of rural areas. Implementation of these objectives requires the support of the Common Agricultural Policy. Polish European Union membership contributed to setting its objectives and increasing the ability to subsidise economic entities, as well as develop both the food and rural areas economy.
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