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1
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Is the Modernization Process Becoming a Challenge or a Threat to the Security Policy and the Armed Forces?

100%
Piątek J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2019
|
vol. 1 (48)
36-48
EN
In spite of defining the role of various measures of security policy implementation the weight of one has been quite unequivocally assessed for the current policy. The main position for contemporary Poland is to be taken by the armed forces. Under these conditions, the Polish Army has become a basic element of the defense system of Poland not only in terms of image. It is not surprising then that currently the armed forces have received a wide range of tasks regarding security – both internal and external. President Duda and the government of Law and Justice proudly show the 2 percent of GDP spent on defense and an even higher target, at the latest in 2030. However, this does not create a perspective that would allow “hurray” optimism. The key to describing the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland seems to be their ability to respond to the revolution in the field of military and the ability to modernize. Despite the plans of the Ministry of National Defense and declarations given in media, this process faces a number of difficulties. Not only do we create “abstract” visions of needs for the current policy, but we also offend our partners and those that are still our allies. The arms policy, so important from the point of view of this “self-sufficiency”, was brought to the accusations of lobbying, corruption, and fraud; not only do we not pay attention to our own needs, but we also create innovative concepts for the current policy that cause us to wander in dilettantism. It seems that the shape of the implementation of the modernization of the Armed Forces is affected not only by the current policy. To a large extent, the condition of the Polish arms industry is also a decisive factor in the absorption of modernization.
2

Kształtowanie wizerunku wybranych grup dyspozycyjnych

84%
Klein G.
Forum Socjologiczne
|
2019
|
vol. 10
143-153
PL
Badania zrekapitulowane w niniejszym artykule poświęcono identyfikacji korzyści wynikających z posiadania przez wybrane grupy dyspozycyjne dobrego wizerunku. Przyjęto, że dla Wojska Polskiego, Policji i Państwowej Straży Pożarnej można sformułować katalog tożsamych wizerunkowych korzyści ułatwiających zapewnianie bezpieczeństwa. W celu weryfikacji tego założenia przeprowadzono analizę użyteczności dobrego wizerunku dla wybranych grup dyspozycyjnych, następnie dokonano syntezy wyodrębnionych elementów. Na podstawie przeprowadzonych badań przyjęto, że opracowany katalog wizerunkowych korzyści może być użytecznym narzędziem w zakresie badania kształtowania wizerunku oraz relacji ze społeczeństwem zarówno wyodrębnionych na użytek tego badania Wojska Polskiego, Policji i Państwowej Straży Pożarnej, jak i innych grup dyspozycyjnych.
EN
The research recapitulated in the article is devoted to the identification of benefits resulting from having a good image by selected Dispositional Groups. It is assumed that a catalog of identical image-related benefits to help ensure security could be formulated for the Polish Army, the Police and the State Fire Service. In order to verify this assumption, an analysis of the usefulness of a good image was conducted for selected Dispositional Groups. Then, the extracted elements were synthesized. Based on the conducted research, it was assumed that the developed catalog of image-related benefits can be a useful tool in the field of image formation research and relations with society, both for the Polish Army, the Police and the State Fire Service, as well as other Dispositional Groups.
3
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Doświadczenie udziału w misjach, a zmiany w sytuacji społeczno- -zawodowej żołnierzy WP – wybrane aspekty

84%
Zauer J.
Bezpieczeństwo Obronność Socjologia
|
2014
|
issue 2
30-39
4
Content available remote

Pozamilitarna działalność Korpusu Ochrony Pogranicza w perspektywie raportów i twórczości literackiej żołnierzy tej formacji (1924-1939)

67%
Werner M.
Sowiniec
|
2013
|
issue 42
27-50
EN
The article attempts to describe the operations of the Border Defence Corps. These operations can be seen as a civilizing mission led by the army in the eastern borderlands. After presenting an overview of the state of research and the origin of the formation, the author elaborates upon the activity of BDC dividing it into two types. Indirect actions were connected with the military presence in the border zone. Direct actions were the initiatives of the soldiers deliberately directed at the local population. These actions concerned such spheres as: education, culture, sports or charity. The value of this text lies in the fact that the non-military activity of the BDC is shown through the eyes of the officers of this formation. The latter usually evaluated their work highly in official reports, poems and songs. This, however, is a more complex issue, which, due to methodological and source problems, could not be resolved in this article.
5
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Los obywateli polskich po 17 września 1939 r. i okoliczności powstania Armii Polskiej w ZSRR

59%
Ossowska K.
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
|
2011
|
vol. 15
97-112
PL
Artykuł traktuje o tragicznej sytuacji w jakiej znaleźli się polscy obywatele po agresji sowieckiej na Polskę 17 września 1939 r. Opisane zostały stosowane przez Sowietów metody terroru. Deportacje i aresztowania dotknęły ogromną ilość ludzi, niemal z każdej klasy społecznej. Po aresztowaniu następowały brutalne śledztwa, po ich zakończeniu Polaków wysyłano do łagrów. Tam wyniszczano ich przez ciężką pracę i brak jedzenia. Nakreślenie tych zagadnień pomaga uwypuklić znaczenie powstania Armii Polskiej na terenie ZSRR. Stanowiła ona bowiem nie tylko siłę wojenną, ale była ratunkiem dla niemal zamęczonej ludności polskiej. Przy powstającej armii gromadziła się bowiem ludność w nadziei, że w ten sposób unikną śmierci z głodu i zimna. Artykuł ma więc za zadanie podkreślić znaczenie Armii Andersa, pracy jej oficerów, dzięki której niemal 115 tys. ludzi udało się opuścić Związek Radziecki.
EN
The events that occurred on September 17 were extremely tragic, especially for Polish civilian population. After the defeat in September, a lot of Polish soldiers retreating to Hungary and Romania were taken captive. The reason behind their sad plight was the fact that, although captives, they were not entitled to prisoner-of-war status. They were grouped in camps built particularly for that purpose. Three of the camps were given a special status and the Polish captives detained there were murdered in spring 1940. After their invasion on the Second Republic of Poland, the Soviets started to consistently implement the previously sketched plan to exterminate the Polish nation. Due to mass arrests and deportations, hundreds of thousands of Poles, including women, children and elderly people, were taken to the wild backwoods regions of the USSR and left without any protection whatsoever. The flower of our nation was forced to hard labour, such as railway construction or deforestation of some Siberian areas. That tragic situation did not change until the summer of 1941, when the London-based Polish government, after long and stormy negotiations, signed an agreement with the Soviet government. By virtue of Sikorski-Majski agreement, masses of Polish citizens were granted amnesty and a Polish army was to be formed in the USSR. After announcement of the amnesty decree, Poles from the furthest recesses of the USSR started their southward journey to meet their “brothers”. Władysław Anders, general and commander of the Polish Army, had to face a number of difficulties in order to provide his soldiers with relatively good living conditions. The army was short of virtually everything, especially as it also gave shelter to civilians, who wanted to escape death. Therefore, it was an army composed of down-at-heel, rugged human skeletons. Thanks to their persistence and the feeling of great injustice, however, they became highly skilled soldiers and the Polish Army in the USSR was exceptionally vital and resilient.
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