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The purpose of this paper was to specify what is the share of narrowly understood micro-ideology in the political thought of Law and Justice. Embarking on the analysis of the above-stated problem, we first and foremost fixed particular methodological assumption. As a point of departure for our analysis we adopted the conception of the ideological morphology by Michael Freeden. In line with it, we assumed that ideologies are not fully distinct entities but they interact with one another. They are also partly overlapping and thus they share some contiguous points. In accordance with the concept of populism, as worked out within our framework, we focused our attention on the problematics of elites and the people. As conceived of by Law and Justice, elites did not discharge their duties, alienating themselves from the society and caring mainly about their own socio-economic interest. Furthermore, the critique of elites was mainly related to their non-democratic genesis and artificially created putative “super-expertise”.Eventually, we proved that populism may be regarded as one of the phenomena characterizing the political thought of Law and Justice.
EN
Today the notion of popular sovereignty is seen as the standard of political legitimation. However, there is an important theoretical discussion to be had about the helpfulness of this notion since it is not clear who constitutes the ‘people’ or whether ‘the people’ possess the necessary agency in order to enact sovereignty. This discussion takes on practical interest in light of recent popular struggles for democracy, as evidenced by the Arab Spring of 2010-12 as well as the uprisings in Syria. This paper seeks to discover how far these popular revolutions of the early 21st century can be understood as conforming to or diverging from the liberal notion of popular sovereignty derived from the dominant social contract model.
EN
Democracy is currently influenced by the fluxes of information, digitalization, big data analyses and information, as power in general, but also as the power of control over the people. Existing as a double of “the people,” the reality of the virtual demos influences the realities of democracy. Political communication gains a strength online, where both the leaders and the citizens express positions, interpretations and opinions on the state of affairs. The present time is more than ever before the preferred political time. Comfort and relative laziness characterizing the times are consonant with virtual demos and digital democracy, with positive and negative aspects. The civic actions pursuing the good and generous causes animating public interest are among the main positive aspects of virtual demos and digital democracy. The paper aims to identify, describe and assess the main implications of these political virtual actions, attitudes and the participation of the virtual demos in emerging digital democracy.
EN
The article concentrates on the lofty representation of the protagonist of the collection of lyrical works. "Pieśni o księciu Józefie" make a reference, in their historical and axiological aspects, to the biography by Szymon Askenazy, "Książę Józef Poniatowski 1763-1813" [Prince Józef Poniatowski 1763-1813]. That biography presents the central figure as an exemplary patriot and citizen, who does not hesitate to give his life for the fatherland. The poet, however, goes much further than Askenazy in elevating his hero, as he sacralises the figure of prince Poniatowski by making him the main martyr of the national cause, who pleads for Poland with God.
EN
This article strives to assess the condition of the contemporary state. The author thinks that the contemporary state is more powerful than ever in history and that this power is strongly rooted in the wants of its citizens. The recent global economic crisis has legitimized the state even further. Although the contemporary state is increasingly polycentric and its structures are less and less hierarchic and transparent, the identity and integration of the political system are not in danger. The state’s immense power is a serious threat to its citizens and to democracy. The processes of nationalization of societies are stronger than the processes of socialization of states. Hence one of the (widely understood) key problems of theWest is how to preserve citizen autonomy. This autonomy is being increasingly threatened by various state agencies and the welfare state’s typical clientism, which try to control each and every citizen. The usual response to this danger is to call for limitation of the state’s role, for a minimal state, etc. This author thinks that such postulates are unrealistic, because citizens want the state to be a welfare state and because such a state is functional for democracy. The best response to the threat to individual autonomy and to democracy is the republican response: only the politically mobilized people can maintain an elementary level of state socialization and an essential degree of state segmentation, both of which create the necessary space for individual freedom.
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