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EN
The aim of the above-mentioned analysis was a statement whether and how legal acts concerning gender equality, written in Electoral code (adopted by the Sejm of the Republic of Poland on 5th January 2011), support women in the political sphere. In the first part of the article the origins of the introduction of quota solutions in Poland are outlined and their full text is presented. The next part of the article shows the influence of the adopted regulations on the results of the 2011 elections to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland and the European Parliament. The summary presents the most important conclusions. The article also proves the thesis that the quota system led to a significant growth in the number of women standing as a candidate in elections. However, it failed to have such an impact on the number of women elected to representative bodies. It led to the conclusion that despite the legal validation of electoral quotas, there are many factors which can increase women’s political subjectivity, e.g. a place given on electoral register or their electoral constituency. This situation explains the purpose of the supplementing of the quota mecha-nism by a zipping system, which means the alternate order of women and men can-didates on electoral list and makes it difficult to fill compulsory quotas with a signif-icant number of women in an electoral constituency in which a given party has in-sufficient support.
EN
The introduction of the quota system, which guarantees men and women with at least 35 percent of places on the electoral rolls, posed a serious challenge for numerous election com-mittees. It forced them to seek out competent women who would like to become involved in politics. It was not an easy task, because the majority of committees placed the women in positions close to the bottom of the lists, which ensured that election success was rather unachievable. This situation caused some women to resign from running for election to the local-government, therefore forcing the election committees to replace them, at a push, with other women, despite a number of male candidates applying to take their place. When it comes to elections results, they proved that the quota system is ineffective, because it favours men, who obtained the highest places on the rolls, and without the implementation of zipping, the number of women in politics will not be increased. This paper aims at presenting the practical aspect of applying the quota system in local elections in Częstochowa.
PL
Celem podjętej analizy było stwierdzenie, czy i w jaki sposób ustawowe regulacje doty-czące równego statusu kobiet i mężczyzn, zawarte w Kodeksie wyborczym, uchwalonym przez parlament 5 stycznia 2011 r., wspierają udział kobiet w sferze publicznej na poziomie lokalnym. Zbadano, jak kształtowała się reprezentacja kandydujących i wybranych do or-ganów stanowiących samorządu terytorialnego w okręgu nr 9, w zależności od obowią-zującego sytemu wyborczego (proporcjonalnego i większościowego). Analiza dotyczyła obecności kandydatów-mężczyzn i kandydatów-kobiet na listach wyborczych oraz licz-by uzyskanych przez obie płci mandatów na poziomie gmin, powiatów i województwa. Na jej podstawie dowiedziono, że wyrównywaniu szans wyraźnie sprzyja system pro-porcjonalny, ale tylko na etapie partycypacji kobiet na listach wyborczych. Porównując odsetki uzyskanych mandatów zauważono, że więcej miejsc w organach stanowiących kobiety zajęły tam, gdzie obowiązuje reguła większościowa, tj. w radach gmin (za wyłą-czeniem miast na prawach powiatu).
EN
The aim of the analysis that was conducted was to state whether and to what degree legal regulations on equal status of men and women, included in the electoral code and passed by the Sejm on 5 January 2011, support women in their participation in the public sphere on a local level. We did research into how the representation of candidates and the elect-ed to the organs of the local self-government in a constituency no. 9 was formed, which depended on the current electoral system (proportional and majority electoral system). The analysis concerned the presence of men and women candidates on the electoral list and the number of mandates won by both genders on the level of districts, counties and provinces. On its basis, it was proved that the proportional electoral system clearly sup-ports equal opportunities but only at the stage of women’s participation on electoral lists. Comparing the percentage of mandates won, we noticed that women occupied more po-sitions in organs where the majority electoral system is applied, that is, in district coun-cils (excluding town and cities with county rights).
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