Search results

1

THINK TANKS IN ALBANIA: A CASE OF A FLAWED POWER-KNOWLEDGE NEXUS

100%

Włoch R., Xhindi N.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

|

2020

|

issue 2

EN

Think tanks are widely considered to be an important part of political life in mature democracies (McGann, 2019). The aim of the article is to present a preliminary characterisation of the institutional landscape of think tanks in Albania, based on the results of a qualitative and quantitative study conducted at the turn of 2017. The paper starts with presenting the specific features of the Albanian think tank sector and then proceeds to identify two major, yet interlinked, challenges facing Albanian think tanks, namely: (i) the lack of any internal political and institutional market for their research products, which is evidenced by their negligible impact on the policymaking process; (ii) the dependence on financing from external donors, which seriously constricts the autonomy of Albanian think tanks in defining their research agenda. The authors propose that this analysis of Albanian think tanks will aid in understanding how the Albanian political system functions as a whole.

2

Postrzeganie Grupy Wyszehradzkiej i Inicjatywy Trójmorza w niemieckiej przestrzeni politycznej

80%

Nitszke A.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2022

|

issue 3 (384)

97-110

EN

Contemporary relations between Germany and Central and Eastern Europe are determined by several factors. After the reunification of Germany, the country experienced some of the difficulties of the political and economic transformation due to the need to adjust conditions in the five eastern federal states, which allowed successive German governments to understand better the experience of the Central European states. Another factor influencing Germany's involvement in this region of Europe is its geographical proximity and the resulting interest in the stabilization of this region. After the accession of Central European countries to the European Union, Germany became a link between the old and the new, Western and Eastern Europe. In intra-EU relations there arise increasingly frequently certain more or less institutionalized intermediate entities, situated between the level of the EU and the Member States. The Visegrad Group and the Three Seas Initiative that associate the countries of Central and Eastern Europe are examples of such cooperation forums. The aim of the article is to analyze the perception of both these international bodies in the German political space. The hypothesis that in relations with the V4 and 3SI Germany follows pragmatism, not perceiving the V4 and 3SI as competitors or closest partners, will be tested. The article is based on qualitative research methods, primarily the content analysis method, institutional-legal and comparative methods,

3

Wpływ ośrodków eksperckich na kształtowanie polityki bezpieczeństwa w Polsce

71%

Nitszke A., Ślufińska M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2015

|

issue 2

59-73

EN

The role of expertise centres is to provide an objective presentation of the situation in various aspects of the functioning o f the state, including the international arena, and to design different scenarios for specific cases, as well as developing general outlooks. Political parties, and thus also the policy-makers, are increasingly turning to the knowledge of experts. At this point a question arises o f what this expert support for the parties consists of, and what is the impact o f theoretically objective experts on state policy. The starting point for the considerations in this paper is a report published in January 2015 ‘Global Go To Think Tank Index Ranking’ (7th edition), which does not mention any Polish centres in the category of ‘National Security and Defence.’ Does that mean that such centres do not exist in Poland, or maybe that their achievements do not qualify them for this prestigious ranking? The purpose of this paper is to present the main Polish expert centres which research security issues and to attempt to answer the question of whether policy-makers are aware of the existence of such think tanks and whether they use their services.

PL

Rolą ośrodków eksperckich jest obiektywne przedstawianie sytuacji w różnych aspektach funkcjonowania państwa, w tym na arenie międzynarodowej, i tworzenie scenariuszy rozwoju sytuacji tak dla konkretnych przypadków, jak też generalizowanie. Partie polityczne, a co za tym idzie także decydenci polityczni, coraz częściej sięgają po wiedzę ekspertów. W tym miejscu rodzi się pytanie, kto stanowi zaplecze eksperckie dla partii i jaki jest wpływ, teoretycznie obiektywnych, ekspertów na politykę państwa. Punktem wyjścia dla podjętych rozważań jest opublikowany w styczniu 2015 r. raport Global Go to Think Tank Ranking Index (VII edycja), w którym w kategorii Bezpieczeństwo i Obrona Narodowa zabrakło polskich ośrodków. Czy to oznacza, że takie nie istnieją, czy może raczej ich dorobek nie kwalifikuje ich do tego prestiżowego rankingu. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie głównych polskich ośrodków eksperckich podejmujących w swych badaniach kwestie bezpieczeństwa oraz próba odpowiedzi na pytanie czy decydenci polityczni mają świadomość istnienia takich ośrodków i czy korzystają z ich usług.

4

Bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe w badaniach polskich think tanks

71%

Pawluszko T.

Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego

|

2014

|

vol. 8

|

issue 2

198-214

EN

This paper focuses on a quantitative analysis of the Polish think tanks’ research potential in the area of international security. Five Polish NGO institutions of expertise were assessed. The analysis concerning the background and priorities of the activity was made for the period 2008-2013. The summary finishes with conclusions.

PL

Analiza poświęcona jest ocenie ilościowej potencjału polskich ośrodków eksperckich (think tanks) w obszarze badań nad bezpieczeństwem międzynarodowym. Ocenie poddano 5 pozarządowych instytucji. Zwrócono uwagę na tło ich rozwoju oraz główne priorytety działalności w okresie 2008–2013. Analizę zamykają zebrane wnioski.

5

The role of Ukrainian think tanks in shaping of public opinion on the European integration (on the example of Razumkov Centre and Gorshenin Institute)

70%

Shkrobanets O.

Torun International Studies

|

2014

|

issue 7

15-24

EN

In this article the author has explored the role of Ukrainian think tanks, notably the Razumkov Center and Gorshenin Institute, in the formation of public opinion on the European integration policy of Ukraine during the period of 2007–2013. As a result of content analysis of these analytic institutes’ information materials it is concluded that the consolidated public opinion on the problem of European integration of Ukraine was not formed as Ukrainian citizens did not obtain from Ukrainian analytical structures complete, accurate and unambiguous information on this actual issue.

6

Between Impact and Delusion: The Role of American Think Tanks in Political Decision-Making – A Case Study of American Policy towards the Russian Federation after Annexation of Crimea

70%

Rydliński B.

Historia i Polityka

|

2020

|

issue 32 (39)

EN

The aim of this paper is to examine to what extent the leading US think tanks influenced the US policy towards the Russian Federation after annexation of Crimea in March 2014. Comparative analysis was performed on three entities – the Brookings Institution, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Atlantic Council. Their respective activity has been placed against the model of think tank impact, which is composed of the following elements: framing of key ideas and issues – providing policy alternatives – shaping of decision-making process. The author has positioned the results of his analysis within a larger discussion on changes in the global order and the system of liberal democracy itself.

7

«Фабрики думок» у США як функціональний прототип сучасних аналітичних центрів

61%

Петренко І.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

|

2018

|

issue 8

205-213

EN

Think tanks of the United States as a functional prototype of modern analytical centers are explored in the article. The main factors that determined the formation of think tanks in the United States in the early years of the twentieth century were distinguished, in particular: 1) the economic boom in the United States at the beginning of the 20th century; 2) course of administration of T. Roosevelt; 3) cartelization and trasification of the national economy. The process of formation of the official institutionalized elements of the system of expert-ideological influence in the 19101920 years was analyzed. The types of non-state structures of expert support of foreign policy processes of this period are distinguished, such as: 1) non-governmental think tanks, whose activities are directed on ideological substantiation, expert evaluation and advocacy support of foreign policy; 2) councils and associations created to coordinate with the assistance of scientists economic and political interests of business and the state. The influence of the first think tanks of the USA on the public decisions making process is considered. The influence of the Industrial Revolution, private philanthropy and the Great Depression on the formation and development of American think tanks is analyzed. The influence of the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Foundation on the process of the formation of think tanks in the United States is considered. The influence of the Second World War and the Cold War on the formation of expert-analytical organizations in the USA was determined. The peculiarities of the development of think tanks of the USA in the 40’s - 50’s of the twentieth century, which were caused by a new wave of expansion into the European market of American corporations and banks, were considered. The ideological and organizational changes in the work of think tanks of the USA in the 1960s were explored. The main political events that have created the context for the distribution of disproportionately large numbers of conservative think tanks in the 1970s are analyzed, in particular: 1) political mobilization of business and corporations; 2) political conversion and aggressive propaganda by the neo-conservative intelligentsia; 3) the political mobilization of evangelical and fundamentalist Christians; 4) the prevalence of neoclassical economic theory at universities and among key politicians. The reasons that prevented the creation of non-conservative think tanks in the 1960s-early 1970s are researched, namely: 1) the adoption by Congress of a tax reform law which has tightened restrictions on the political activity of private foundations that historically are major sponsors of think tanks; 2) reducing the resources of the Ford Foundation and reducing its interest in funding analytical centers; 3) a decline in the cost of research and development of the Ministry of Defense, historically another important source of funding for think tanks in the United States. The causes of the emergence and spread of ideologically oriented think tanks (lawyer type) in the USA in the 70s and 80s of the 20th century, which openly demonstrated commitment to a certain policy, party or ideology, carried out aggressive propaganda and sought to make influence the discussion of issues current policy are analized. The current condition of think tanks in the USA is considered. It is established that the process of developing strategic ideas by think tanks of the United States is closely linked with the applied orientation towards obtaining specific socio-economic and political results. American think tanks are directly influenced primarily by public interests and have a close connection with the interests of large American business. They are quite different from similar organizations in other countries, with the active participation of many of them in the political process and widely funded from various sources. American think tanks are directly and indirectly ready to participate in shaping public policy, and politicians, in their turn, are appealing to them for advice.

8

Typology of think tanks: A comparative study in Finland and Scotland

61%

Mykkänen M., Freshwater N.

Academicus. International Scientific Journal

|

2021

|

vol. 12

|

issue 23

72-90

EN

This paper provides a comparative analysis of current Finnish and Scottish think tanks and reviews how think tanks in these countries have evolved, how think tanks seek to influence decision making and engage with their stakeholders. To address the ways of influence this paper looks how Finnish and Scottish think tanks describe themselves and how they use publications in their advocacy. Conducted content analysis indicates that usually registered association based Finnish think tanks are generally more research-focused organisations, who overall deploy more research publications for advocacy than the company based Scottish think tanks. Findings also reveal that the number of think tanks in both countries has greatly increased in the last two decades due to the political challenges with European Union and national politics. The paper provides a new approach to study think tanks in national contexts.

9

The Role of Think Tanks in Actions for Defence Diplomacy. An Example of Poland

61%

Olszyk S.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2022

|

issue 3 (51)

155-181

EN

With the end of the 20th century, there was a change in the nature and methods of using military force in international politics. It led to the need to develop new cooperation methods between states and reorient military diplomacy into defence diplomacy. In the new reality, the group of entities influencing diplomatic activities has been expanded to include non-governmental entities, including think tanks. It raised questions about the role of expert centres in activities for defence diplomacy under Polish conditions, including shaping the international situation and shaping the state's defence policy. The following considerations are an attempt to answer this question. The analysis was based on the data obtained from a survey and information from the websites of fifteen Polish centres of expertise operating in international relations, political science, and security and defence.

10

Problematyka geopolityczna w działalności francuskich ośrodków analitycznych i badawczych

61%

Hudzikowski M.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

|

2014

|

vol. 8

9-30

PL

Treści nawiązujące do problematyki geopolitycznej, które powstają we francuskich „think tankach”, są bez wątpienia wartościowym źródłem wiedzy o polityce międzynarodowej dzięki swojemu zróżnicowaniu, oryginalności i wpływowi na dorobek geopolityki, nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych i innych dziedzin naukiwe Francji. Instytuty analityczne i badawcze stanowią drugi – obok środowiskaakademickiego, z którym nierzadko są powiązane – ośrodek dostarczający opracowań na temat polityki. Zajmują się działalnością badawczą, analityczną, a także publicystyczną (komentatorską). niektóre think tanki wywodzą swoje korzenie wprost od uznanych francuskich teoretyków geopolityki i geoekonomii (Lacoste, Lorot), lub odwołują się do ich spuścizny, to prezentują bardzo ograniczone ambicje metodologiczne, z dużą dozą swobody traktując fundamenty teoretyczne. Można wręcz odnieść wrażenie, że kiedy mowa o jakiejś „dyscyplinarności”, to Francuzi mają na myśli naukowe walory podejścia do przedmiotu badań (bez rozgraniczania dyscyplin), natomiast gdy używają słowa „geopolityka”, to chodzi im o politykę globalną „sensu largo”.

EN

The article refers to the geopolitical issues that have arisen in the French think tanks and are undoubtedly a valuable source of knowledge about international politics due to its diversity, originality and impact on the achievements of geopolitics, science, international relations and other fields of study in France. Geopolitical problems are treated by the French think tanks in a diverse and very relaxed form. It should be emphasized enormous contribution of these organizations in the development of geopolitical thought and more broadly geopolitical thinking. Hérodote School and the Institute of Choiseul specialize in geopolitics (more precisely: the environment Hérodote recognizes the importance of geography and Choiseul focuses on geoeconomics). Leaders of these institutes have extensive theoretical achievements on geopolitics (and geoeconomics). Scientific approach and theorizing is grown there on a par with analytics on international affairs. Analytical and research institutes are second – next to the academic environment, which are often linked – center providing studies on policy. Such confusion of perspectives in the practical activities of these organizations makes it difficult to study the environment and its “products”. Similar confusion also applies to the issue of terminology and – more broadly – methodology.

11

Interest groups in shaping Germany’s foreign policy towards China

61%

Ciesielska-Klikowska J.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2023

|

issue 3 (387)

35-69

EN

The purpose of this article is to explore the multi-faceted dynamics of interest groups in the process of shaping Germany’s foreign policy toward China. The analysis focuses on understanding the role of various interest groups and their influence on decision-making, as well as showing the complexity and implications of this influence in the context of a democratic society. The main thrust of the text is to understand how various interest groups in Germany influence its foreign policy toward China, particularly in the context of mutual economic benefits and the development of political relations. The study focuses on identifying key interest groups and analysing the mechanisms and implications of their impact on decision-making processes. The text poses several research hypotheses: 1) interest groups, such as business associations, research institutes and think tanks, the mass media and the general public, as well as the Chinese diaspora in Germany, play a significant role in shaping Germany’s foreign policy towards China; 2) the mechanisms of interest groups’ influence stem from their ability to channel social interests into the political system and take advantage of institutional opportunities for participation; 3) the varying distribution of power among competing interest groups in Germany, may be explained by indicating that power is not concentrated within a small privileged elite but is rather fragmented among different groups. The role of expert knowledge, the importance of the Chinese diaspora and the interest of the public and the media are all significant factors. The article uses literature analysis and qualitative research based on expert interviews with academics, researchers, think tank representatives, and government officials. These interviews provide valuable information on the mechanisms of interest groups’ effect on German foreign policy. The article demonstrates that interest groups play an important role in shaping Germany’s foreign policy toward China and that this influence results from their capacity to represent public interests and take advantage of institutional opportunities for participation, which is consistent with the liberal paradigm of international relations. A pluralist perspective on analysis emphasizes the importance of competitive politics and citizen participation in decision-making processes. Maintaining democratic integrity and transparency in Germany’s international operations requires an understanding of these complex relationships.

12

Institutionalization of Foreign Policy Think Tanks in Italy and in the UK: An Explanatory Framework

51%

Longhini A.

Central European Journal of Public Policy

|

2015

|

vol. 9

|

issue 2

96-108

EN

This article explores the phenomenon of foreign policy think tanks in Europe in a comparative perspective and offers a framework of analysis for this topic. Assuming that think tanks were largely imported from the US after World Wars I and II, the article argues that European think tanks have been influenced by the different national political contexts in which they have undergone a process of institutionalization. First, the article hypothesizes that such contexts have contributed to determining different incentives for cooperation between think tanks and national policymakers. Such cooperation is based on the willingness of policymakers to turn to think tanks for expertise, advice or validation of policy decisions. Secondly, different political contexts are expected to influence the strategies of action that think tanks have developed towards policymakers and their audience. In this respect, the article identifies three strategies: the generalist, the advocate and the lobbyist. Empirically, the article is based on a survey of eleven organizations conducted in two countries, Italy and the United Kingdom, in 2013-14. Given that very few data are available on this type of organization, their activities, funding, policy audience and goals are investigated. These indicators are used to investigate the main commonalities and differences between the two cases and to compare them with the hypotheses. The results first show that there is comparatively more funding available for think tanks in the UK system than in the Italian one. Secondly, there is apparently more willingness from policymakers to turn to think tanks for expertise in the former case, considering that the UK think tanks hold a higher number of closed-door events and parliamentary hearings. On the contrary, where policymakers tend, instead, to more scarcely rely on external expertise - as it seems more evident in the Italian case - the core audience of think tanks tends to shift to other, more accessible targets (the public opinion, the academia or even businesses). The case study makes it more evident how advocacy becomes a far less important activity for an Italian think tank than a UK one.

Refine search results

THINK TANKS IN ALBANIA: A CASE OF A FLAWED POWER-KNOWLEDGE NEXUS

Postrzeganie Grupy Wyszehradzkiej i Inicjatywy Trójmorza w niemieckiej przestrzeni politycznej

Wpływ ośrodków eksperckich na kształtowanie polityki bezpieczeństwa w Polsce

Bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe w badaniach polskich think tanks

The role of Ukrainian think tanks in shaping of public opinion on the European integration (on the example of Razumkov Centre and Gorshenin Institute)

Between Impact and Delusion: The Role of American Think Tanks in Political Decision-Making – A Case Study of American Policy towards the Russian Federation after Annexation of Crimea

«Фабрики думок» у США як функціональний прототип сучасних аналітичних центрів

Typology of think tanks: A comparative study in Finland and Scotland

The Role of Think Tanks in Actions for Defence Diplomacy. An Example of Poland

Problematyka geopolityczna w działalności francuskich ośrodków analitycznych i badawczych

Interest groups in shaping Germany’s foreign policy towards China

Institutionalization of Foreign Policy Think Tanks in Italy and in the UK: An Explanatory Framework